省的兴衰 - 麻省理工学院人工智能研究专业

省的兴衰
of Lygonia, 1643–1658

hannah farber

D URING the 1630s and 1640s, 不同的个体, com-

企业, and political factions struggled to gain control
of the territory of New England, 但他们的努力缺乏合作-
按立. English rulers granted land patents with vaguely
deﬁned or overlapping borders. 殖民地争夺自然-
ral resources not only with one another but with independent
settlers, ﬁshermen, and traders who engaged, as the specu-
lator Sir Ferdinando Gorges wrote, in “promiscuous trading
1
Plantations were
without order and in a dis-joynted manner.”
chartered and abandoned; patents were granted and canceled;
and provinces the size of kingdoms rose and vanished within a
matter of years.

The Province of Lygonia, a territory of approximately sixteen
hundred square miles located in the southern region of present-
day Maine, was established by two men who had grown pow-
erful in the service of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, an Englishman
closely allied with King James I. The ﬁrst of Lygonia’s founders
was Thomas Morton, a London lawyer primarily remembered
as the nemesis of Plymouth Colony’s William Bradford and of
Massachusetts Bay’s John Winthrop; the second was George
Cleeve, a settler and judge prominent in Maine’s local histo-
2
Gorges had hired Morton and Cleeve to defend his claim
里斯.

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Sir Ferdinando Gorges, “A briefe Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New
英格兰” (1622), in James Phinney Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges (波士顿: 王子
社会, 1890; reprinted, 纽约: Burt Franklin, 1967), p. 223.

看, 例如, Henry S. Burrage, The Beginnings of Colonial Maine, 1602–1658 (Port-
土地: Marks Printing House, 1914); William Willis, The History of Portland, 从 1632
The New England Quarterly, 卷. LXXXII, 不. 3 (九月 2009). C(西德:2) 2009 by The New England
季刊. All rights reserved.

490

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THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

491

to the Province of Maine, but the two men betrayed their em-
ployer, carving the territory of Lygonia out of Gorges’ Maine
and fashioning it into an independent province.

To create and maintain New World settlements, English in-
vestors pursued a number of different strategies, some more
successful than others. Karen Kupperman has contrasted the
fortunes of a colony such as Massachusetts Bay, which offered
settlers at least rudimentary self-government, and a colony such
as Providence Island, which was subject to the strict control of
its proprietors in England. Massachusetts Bay proved viable;
Although Lygonia was not, strictly
Providence Island did not.
请讲, a colony, examining its rise and fall can deepen our
understanding of the conditions that promoted or curtailed the
longevity of New World English settlements. In some senses,
the odds were in Lygonia’s favor. Unlike Providence Island, 或者
even Massachusetts Bay, it was established by men who had
years of ﬁrsthand New World experience. 此外, 这
settlers of Lygonia enjoyed at least limited rights to participate
in their local government. 然而, in his capacity as Lygonia’s
deputy president, George Cleeve failed to take into account the
ways in which the constitution of authority was evolving in mid-
seventeenth-century New England. As circumstances changed,
Cleeve’s approach to Lygonia’s governance proved inadequate,
and before long, the province foundered.

A captain knighted for his service in the armies of Eliz-
abeth I, Sir Ferdinando Gorges became directly acquainted
with the New World when Captain George Waymouth gave
him three Indians that he had captured on a venture to Maine

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到 1864 (Portland: 贝利 & Noyes, 1865); and George Folsom, History of Saco and
Biddeford (Saco: Putnam, 1830; reprinted, Somersworth: New Hampshire Publishing
公司, 1975).

Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Providence Island, 1630–1641: The Other Puritan
Colony (纽约: 剑桥大学出版社, 1993). The success of an English
colony, Kupperman asserts, depended on “The granting (or seizure) of land owner-
船 . . . a representative assembly . . . [和] citizen control of the militia” (p. X).

492

THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY

4
and brought back to England in 1605.
Fascinated with the
men and their distant homeland, Gorges sponsored a series of
subsequent expeditions to New England. These early ventures
met with little success, but Gorges’ fortunes improved dramati-
cally when King James I authorized him to form the Council for
5
New England in 1620.
A vast monopoly, the council granted
its members exclusive rights to issue land patents north of
present-day Long Island, to control trade in New England, 和
6
Gorges, who headed the council, imme-
to ﬁsh off its shores.
diately issued himself and his partner, John Mason, a patent
for the “Province of Maine,” which encompassed land lying
between the Merrimack and Sagadahoc Rivers and extending
To govern this territory, Gorges planned an
sixty miles inland.
executive structure ﬁt for an empire: comprised of eight baili-
wicks divided into sixteen “several hundreds,” the colony would
be administered by such ofﬁcers as a chancellor, a treasurer, A
marshal, an admiral, a master of the ordnance, and a secretary
for the public service.

Although Gorges theoretically controlled English access to
Maine, in practice his authority faced signiﬁcant challenges.
Independent English hunters and ﬁshermen had been har-
vesting the area for decades, and they constantly engaged in
the “promiscuous trading” Gorges and other organized inter-
ests found so objectionable. 而且, members of Plymouth
Colony, which had been founded with fewer than sixty inhab-
itants but had rapidly become more successful than any of

Richard Arthur Preston, Gorges of Plymouth Fort (多伦多: 多伦多大学

按, 1953), p. 36.

Gorges’ failed expeditions were John Popham’s voyage of 1606 and the Mary and

John expedition of 1609. See Preston, Gorges of Plymouth Fort, PP. 140, 148.

The full text of the 1620 Charter of New England (for the Plymouth Council)
is available in Francis Newton Thorpe, The federal and state constitutions, colonial
charters, and other organic laws of the state, territories, and colonies now or heretofore
forming the United States of America (华盛顿: Government Printing Ofﬁce, 1909),
PP. 1827–40.

“Grant of the Province of Maine,” reprinted in Henry S. Burrage, Gorges and the

Grant of the Province of Maine, 1622 (Augusta: Printed for the State, 1923), p. 169.

Sir Ferdinando Gorges, “A Brief Narrative of the Original Undertakings in New
England,” Collections of the Maine Historical Society, 卷. 2 (Portland: Maine Historical
社会, 1847), p. 46.

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THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

493

Gorges’ own attempts at settlement, had begun to encroach
9
经过
on the territory that Gorges and Mason had claimed.
1625 Plymouth settlers were sailing many miles up the Ken-
nebec River—Plymouth’s eastern border, which divided it from
Maine, —to trade their corn with Indians in exchange for furs
10
that were almost certainly procured within Maine’s borders.

The growth of Plymouth Colony jeopardized Thomas Mor-
ton’s business interests as well. Forty miles north of Plymouth,
Morton built a proﬁtable, independent fur trading business
during the 1620s that competed with Plymouth’s. 威廉
Bradford, Plymouth’s governor, approved of neither the com-
在 1628, Bradford
petition nor Morton’s “licentious” lifestyle.
had Morton arrested and sent him to England to stand trial
for violating a royal proclamation against trading guns to In-
Bradford’s decision to have Morton tried in England
dians.
demonstrates his faith that the English legal system—and, 最多
重要的, Gorges himself as the Council for New England’s
leading member—would defend the interests of a colony in
possession of a legal patent. Gorges, 然而, was more con-
cerned with the threat Plymouth posed to his own territory and
resources than with the threat Morton posed to Plymouth. 作为
more reports of territorial conﬂict reached him, Gorges, WHO
had no plans to leave the royal court, realized that he needed
someone to defend his New England interests on the ground.
Morton, a successful fur trader with a legal background and
a grudge against Bradford, seemed an excellent candidate. 在-
stead of prosecuting Morton, Gorges hired him and sent him
back to New England.

Apprehensive about Morton’s motives for returning to the
area near his colony, Bradford rearrested Morton in December

Richard D. 棕色的, 马萨诸塞州: A Bicentennial History (纽约: 瓦. 瓦.

诺顿 & 公司, 1978), p. 33.

William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620–1647, 编辑. Samuel Eliot Morison

(纽约: 阿尔弗雷德·A. 克诺夫, 1952), p. 178.

Bradford’s account of the initial confrontation and his justiﬁcation for arresting
Morton can be found in Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, p. 205. Morton gives his
interpretation of events in The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton (波士顿: 王子
社会, 1883), PP. 282–88.

Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, p. 210.

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494

THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY

1630, burned down his house, and once again expelled him
六个月后, Bradford’s suspicions
from New England.
were conﬁrmed. John Winthrop, governor of the new Mas-
sachusetts Bay Colony, intercepted and opened a letter from
“Sir Ferdin. Gorges (who claimes a great parte of the baye of
大量的[achuset]tes)” to Morton “by . . . which Lettre it appeared
那 [Gorges] had some secreat designe to recover his pre-
Winthrop, like Bradford, despised Morton and
tended right.”
had long suspected that Morton was working against him. 但
by the time Winthrop had discovered the incriminating letter,
Morton was safely back in England designing a legal action that
he hoped would bring an end to the Massachusetts Bay Colony,
an even greater obstacle to his ambitions than Plymouth.

在 9 十二月 1632, at Gorges’ house, Morton and two
other men signed an allegation drafted by Morton that the
Massachusetts Bay Colony had, as John Winthrop would later
describe it, “intende[d] rebellion, to have cast off our Al-
legeance, & to be wholly separate from the church & lawes
of E[ngland]; that our ministers & people did continually rayle
When Mor-
against the state, churche, & Bishops there &c.”
ton ﬁrst brought these charges before the English Privy Council
晚了 1632, the council dismissed them, even going so far as
这
to rebuke Gorges for encouraging Morton’s schemes.
political climate changed, 尽管, when Archbishop William
Laud assumed control of the Commission for New England
and the Commission for Foreign Plantations in 1634. As Hugh
Trevor-Roper has written, these two bodies were created “for
the express purpose of dealing with New England Puritanism”
and had wide-ranging authority “to legislate for the colonies, 到

Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, PP. 216–17.
The Journal of John Winthrop, 1630–1649, 编辑. Richard S. Dunn, James Savage,
and Laetitia Yeandle (剑桥: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1996),
PP. 52–53.
15

Date from Charles Francis Adams, Three Episodes of Massachusetts History
(波士顿: Houghton, Mifﬂin and Company, 1903), p. 264. Adams notes that the original
afﬁdavit has been lost. Winthrop’s quotation is from his Journal, p. 90.

瓦. L. Grant and James Munro, 编辑。, Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series,
1618–1783, 6 卷. (Hereford, Eng.: Printed for His Majesty’s Stationery Ofﬁce by
Anthony Brothers, 1908), 1:183–85.

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THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

495

punish and imprison ecclesiastical offenders, to remove and ex-
amine governors, 法官, and magistrates, to set up courts both
civil and ecclesiastical, to hear and termine complaints, 并
17
Laud’s two commissions took
regulate charters and patents.”
Morton’s allegations seriously and reopened the case against
Massachusetts Bay. Delighted, Morton was convinced that the
impending legal judgment against the colony would be sufﬁ-
cient to destroy it. He wrote to a friend, “The King and Council
是 . . . incensed against [the Massachusetts Bay Colony. . . . 我
shall see my desire upon mine enemies.”

While Thomas Morton was working for Ferdinando Gorges
in London, another competition was emerging in the new
province of Maine. George Cleeve, a member of the minor
English gentry, bought a Maine land patent from the Coun-
cil for New England in 1630 and crossed the Atlantic with his
19
家庭, one servant, and his business partner, Richard Tucker.
Settling on Richmond’s Island, a few miles south of present-
day Portland, Cleeve and Tucker built homesteads, ﬁshed, 和
traded furs.

Almost immediately, Cleeve and Tucker were challenged
over their rights to the land. Due to a mapmaking mistake
or poor recordkeeping, the Council for New England had
sold Richmond’s Island twice. The other deed to the island
was held by two prosperous merchants in England, 罗伯特
Trelawny and Moses Goodyear, who planned to invest in de-
21
veloping a ﬁsh-drying operation on the disputed property.
Although no local authority was empowered to adjudicate
such matters, Trelawny and Goodyear’s operatives prevailed
by means of physical intimidation. 在 1633, Trelawny’s agent

PP. 260–61.

Hugh Trevor-Roper, Archbishop Laud, 1573–1645 (伦敦: Macmillan, 1988),

Letter to William Jeffreys, quoted in Charles Francis Adams Jr., foreword to

Morton, New English Canaan, p. 62.

James Phinney Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 1630–1667, with Collateral

Documents (Portland: Gorges Society, 1885), p. 26.

Baxter, George Cleeve, p. 45.
Baxter, George Cleeve, p. 41; 查尔斯·E. 克拉克, The Eastern Frontier: The Set-
tlement of Northern New England, 1610–1763 (纽约: 阿尔弗雷德·A. 克诺夫, 1970),
p. 21.

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496

THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY

John Winter, backed by some “thirty brawny ﬁsherman” of
the new ﬁsh-drying operation, compelled Cleeve and Tucker
to abandon their homesteads and move a few miles north to
Casco Bay. They lived there for the next several years, all the
最后, Cleeve
while continuing to clash with John Winter.
sailed back to England, where he met with Gorges in 1636 到
plead for his claim to the land. Realizing that the energetic,
competitive, and litigious Cleeve could be an asset to his own
interests in the Province of Maine, which still existed almost
exclusively on paper, Gorges hired Cleeve that year.

An episode recounted by the wealthy London merchant
Matthew Cradock, who had served as the ﬁrst governor of
the Massachusetts Bay Company before it sent its ﬁrst ves-
sel across the Atlantic, illustrates how Cleeve and Morton set
about confounding Gorges’ competitors. 在 15 行进 1637,
Cradock wrote Winthrop about a disturbing encounter he had
had with Cleeve and Morton in London. Cradock explained,
“One Mr. Cleve and Mr. Tucker who this last year were with
me and pretended great good to our plantation and great fa-
vor they could have at Court . . . desired my approbation of
一些[事物] they intended.” Cradock responded, sensibly, 那
he “could say nothing till [他] saw what it was.” Cleeve and
Tucker then “brought me a writing which having seen I ut-
terly disliked and disavowed for having ought to do therein.”
Cleeve suggested that Morton be summoned to speak in favor
of the “writing.” But Cradock, as a former leader of the Mas-
sachusetts Bay Colony, knew Morton’s reputation very well and
refused to hear him out. “I having noe desire to speake with
Mooreton alone,” Cradock continued, “putt him of a turne or
2 on the exchange till I found Mr. Pierse and then Caled him
to me and in his presence disavowed to have aney thing to doe
It is unfortunate for posterity that Cradock did not
therein.”
record the nature of Cleeve and Morton’s proposition, 但他的
decision to inform Winthrop suggests that it was connected to

克拉克, The Eastern Frontier, p. 21.
Matthew Cradock to John Winthrop, 15 行进 1636[37], Winthrop Papers, 卷. 3,
编辑. Allyn Bailey Forbes (波士顿: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1944), PP. 377–79.

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THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

497

Gorges’ plans to destroy the Bay Colony. As Cradock’s letter
indicates, Cleeve and Morton were indeed collaborating against
Massachusetts Bay, and their actions posed a grave hazard to
the colony’s well-being.

在 1637, Cleeve returned to Maine. With the support of
Ferdinando Gorges, his fortunes had improved signiﬁcantly.
Gorges had sold Cleeve and his partner, Tucker, 额外的
ﬁfteen hundred acres in Casco Bay, which increased their land-
24
holdings beyond those of their rivals Trelawny and Goodyear.
Cleeve’s new lands were a better base for the fur trade than
Trelawny’s; not only were they situated farther to the north,
but they encompassed the mouth of a large river that allowed
for easy transport of goods. 此外, Gorges commissioned
Cleeve to govern the portion of Maine between Casco Bay
and Sagadahoc and “withal to oversee [Gorges’] servants and
private affairs.” Finally, Gorges issued Cleeve three “protec-
的[s] under the privy signet”: “For searching out the great
lake of Iracoyse, and for the sole trade of beaver, 和 [为了] 这
planting of Long Island.”

Dismayed by the extent of Cleeve’s new powers, Winthrop
wrote to Gorges. He cautioned Gorges that a “generall dislike
[曾经是] conceaved aganst Mr. Cleeves” among leaders of
the English settlements in Maine and Massachusetts, and he
claimed that Cleeve was sending “misreports” to Gorges about
Winthrop de-
“miscarriages” committed by the Bay Colony.
manded that Gorges rein Cleeve in. The stakes were high: 如果
Cleeve and Morton were to prove their long-standing allega-
tions of misconduct on the part of Massachusetts Bay, England
might revoke the colony’s charter.

Halfheartedly apologizing, Gorges told Winthrop that he
would make amends for Cleeve’s actions. He blamed Cleeve’s
rumor-mongering on “such promises as Moorton his agent [IE。,
Cleeve’s agent] assured him” and sought to convince Winthrop

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“Patent of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to George Cleeve, Jan. 27, 1636,” in Baxter,

George Cleeve, collateral document 2, PP. 216–21.

Quotations describing Cleeve’s “protections” are from Winthrop, 杂志, p. 224.
Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, p. 281.

498

THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY

that Morton was “wholly casheered from intermedlinge with
This was a lie: Morton continued to
any our affairs hereafter.”
draft and witness Gorges’ patents over the next few years, 和
he continued to pursue Gorges’ lawsuit against Massachusetts,
Upon the rec-
which bore fruit only a few months later.
ommendation of Archbishop Laud, England’s Commission for
Regulating Plantations ruled the Massachusetts Bay Company
29
to be invalid and ordered the seizure of its assets in early 1638.

With this legal coup accomplished, Gorges’ New England
empire was at its peak, at least on paper. 在 1635, Gorges had
dissolved the Council for New England as part of his ongoing
effort to dislodge the Bay Colony, 并在 1639, the Crown had
issued him the exclusive patent to Maine (John Mason had died
在 1635).
According to this second patent, Maine’s southern
border ran northwest from the Piscataqua River; its eastern
border ran north along the Kennebec River. It was the largest
31
territory in New England under the control of a single man.

As representatives of Ferdinando Gorges, Cleeve and Morton
wielded a great deal of authority, but this authority depended
largely on their patron’s fortunes and his continued goodwill
toward them. Both Cleeve and Morton had originally traveled
to New England to stake their own claims to New England ter-
ritory. They had accepted employment with Gorges primarily

“Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Sir Henry Vane, John Winthrop, and Others,“ 在

Baxter, George Cleeve, collateral document 4, p. 226.

Evidence of Morton’s involvement with Gorges’ legal work is visible in Gorges’
1640 grant in York Deeds: Book II (Portland: John T. Hull and B. Thurston & 钴,
1887), fols. 85–86, 和他的 1641 grant in Charles Edward Banks, History of York,
Maine, 2 卷. (1931–35; reprinted, 巴尔的摩: Regional Publishing Company, 1967),
1:435–39.
29

Due to growing trouble within the English Parliament and the impotence of
Laud’s commission, this act had no long-term consequences for the Bay Colony. 作为
Dunn explains in his edition of Winthrop’s Journal: “Since the Laud Commission had
no way of carrying out the court order, it directed several of the MBC leaders to govern
until further notice—but never sent them an ofﬁcial warrant” (p. 221n). During the
period immediately following the commission’s order, 然而, Gorges, Cleeve, 和
Morton had reason to hope that Winthrop’s colony would not trouble them for much
更长.
30

“Extract from the Patent to Sir Ferdinando Gorges April 3 1639,” p. 1, 收藏

61, 卷. 7, Pejepcot Papers, Maine Historical Society, Portland.

公共记录办公室, 29 行进 1639, Calendar of State Papers, domestic series, 的
the reign of King Charles I, 编辑. John Bruce Esq., FSA, and William Douglas Hamilton
(伦敦: Longman and Company, 1871), p. 624.

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THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

499

to gain advantage over their local competitors. It is therefore
understandable that as soon as they decided that they had be-
come sufﬁciently powerful in New England to work indepen-
dently, they began to disobey Gorges’ orders.

Reports of Cleeve’s and Morton’s insubordinations appear
in a number of sources. In September 1641, Morton refused
to hand over certain legal documents to Gorges’ young cousin
托马斯, a fellow agent. Taken aback, Thomas reported to Sir
Ferdinando on “the letters of Incorporation being committed
[到] the care of Moorton. We have receaved none, only a letter
from him to Mr Godfrey. . . . [Morton] 需要 20 nobles
[gold coins] from it for his great payns & travell & that we
In January 1641, Gorges asked his agent
shall have them.”
Richard Vines, who administered Maine, to collect a legal fee
from Cleeve, who refused to pay. Vines wrote to Gorges, noting
“Cleives sayes we have nothing to doe, neither have wee any
power to levy moeny here upon any writts that come out of
England.” He asked Gorges “what Course is to be taken that
33
I may free my selfe from blame and the malice of Cleives.”
Though Gorges theoretically controlled an empire, he in fact
had little authority over his own agents.

It was around this time that Cleeve learned about the
Lygonia patent, an immense tract of land that the defunct
Council for New England had awarded to several London
investors in 1630 and that Gorges had named in honor of his
Estimates of Lygonia’s size vary. 这
母亲, Cicely Lygon.
province’s southern border ran northwest about ﬁfty miles from
the mouth of the Kennebec River, and its northern border ran
northwest approximately thirty miles from the mouth of the
Androscoggin River. According to the maps provided by James
Phinney Baxter in his George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 1630–1667,

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The Letters of Thomas Gorges: Deputy Governor of the Province of Maine, 1640–

1643, 编辑. 罗伯特·E. Moody (Portland: Maine Historical Society, 1978), p. 55.

Winthrop Papers, 卷. 4, 编辑. Allyn Bailey Forbes (波士顿: Massachusetts Historical

社会, 1944), p. 309.

Baxter, George Cleeve, PP. 22, 24.

500

THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY

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Map of the Province of Maine and the Province of Lygonia. Taken from James Phinney
Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 1630–1667 (Portland: Printed for the Gorges
社会, 1885), p. 150, and modiﬁed by Hannah Farber to accentuate province borders.

THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

501

Lygonia totaled perhaps sixteen hundred square miles and
35
made up about a third of Gorges’ 1639 Province of Maine.
By John Reid’s calculations, it occupied a smaller proportion
of Maine, but Lygonia’s importance in New England extended
Cleeve’s tracts in Casco Bay, John Winter’s
beyond its size.
ﬁshing and trading station at Richmond’s Island, and most of
Maine’s more densely populated south all fell within Lygonia’s
边界. Lygonia also included almost the entire length of
Maine’s coastline; whoever owned it could control access to the
coast and to most of Maine’s rivers. 此外, the Lygonia
patent, unlike any later patents issued by the Council for
New England, possessed two important legal characteristics. 它
authorized its owners to rule themselves as they saw ﬁt, and it
predated Gorges’ 1639 claim to Maine by a full decade.

When Sir Ferdinando Gorges dissolved the Council for New
England and reconﬁrmed his exclusive title to Maine, he had
probably forgotten about Lygonia. Its London-based owners,
who lost interest in New England after only a few years, 制成
所以,
no effort either to retain or to sell the patent.
39
in the language of the time, it had become a “broken tytle.”
Such titles were extremely common in New England during the
1630s and 1640s. Once abandoned, it was generally assumed,
a broken title could not be reclaimed. But Cleeve realized
that if he could resuscitate the patent, he could assert that
it superseded Gorges’ 1639 claim to Maine. By creating an
independent Lygonia, Cleeve could control southern Maine’s
fur trade and its access to the sea. He could even establish his
own government.

在 4 六月 1642, Cleeve sailed to England and obtained an
audience with Parliament. As far as anyone in New England

Author’s estimate using map insert in Baxter, George Cleeve.
John G. 里德, Maine, Charles II, and Massachusetts: Governmental Relationships
in Early Northern New England (Portland: Maine Historical Society, 1977), 地图 6
和 7, PP. 250–51.

Baxter, George Cleeve, p. 22.
Adams, foreword to Morton, New English Canaan, PP. 84–85.
“Richard Vines to John Winthrop,” in Baxter, George Cleeve, collateral document

39
16, p. 260.

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502

THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY

明白了, his mission was to “make his complaints known
about his treatment in Maine”—to press his claims to land and
trading rights within Maine and to denounce his many enemies,
among whom were Ferdinando Gorges’ agent Richard Vines,
the London merchant Robert Trelawny, Trelawny’s agent John
40
冬天, and of course the government of Massachusetts Bay.
Thomas Gorges, then serving as Maine’s deputy governor, 关于-
sented Cleeve’s constant carping. “I believe we should have
found matters sufﬁcient against [Cleeves] to cut his ears &
banish him,” he wrote to his cousin. “Never was there such a
factious fellow in a Collony.” The younger Gorges also conﬁded
to Sir Ferdinando that he believed Cleeve was spying on him.
“He is gone in the Virginian ship,” he added, “& if possibly he
能, I know he will intercept my letters.”

But Cleeve had a different agenda. When he reached Lon-
大学教师, he presented Parliament with a petition that leveled nu-
merous accusations against his long-time employer:

Sir Ferdinando Gorges hath of late years without any lawful authority,
set over your petitioners and the said other planters several Gover-
nors and other ofﬁcers, who contrary to the said her patent exercise
unlawful and arbitrary power and jurisdiction over the persons and
estate of your petitioners and the said other planters to their great
oppression utter impoverishment and the hindrance of the plantation
in these parts.

During the rule of James I, such a petition would have almost
certainly been rejected out of hand. Ferdinando Gorges sup-
ported his monarch faithfully, and when the king ﬁrst gave him
authority over New England, the legality of his holdings would
have been considered secure. But Gorges’ standing in court
had gradually waned after James I’s death in 1625. Gorges had
spent his own fortune on the colonization of New England as

Thomas Gorges, 信件, p. 93n. Moses Goodyear died in 1637 (see Burrage, 这

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Beginnings of Colonial Maine, p. X).

Thomas Gorges to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 29 六月 1642, in Gorges, 信件,

“Cleeve, 乔治. Petition to Parliament ca. 1642,” Collections S-1979, misc. 盒子

96/2, Maine Historical Society.

41
p. 113.
42

THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

503

well as that of the three wives he had outlived, but he had
found no precious metals and had been unable to monopolize
the trades of ﬁsh, fur, or lumber. His several agents had es-
tablished themselves more or less successfully as local leaders
but had raised scant taxes from Maine’s ﬁshermen, itinerant
traders, and impoverished settlers. And now, England’s politi-
cal climate was shifting dramatically. King Charles I was locked
in ﬁerce battles over taxation and religion with the increasingly
rebellious Parliament.

The new Parliament, 毫不奇怪, sympathetically at-
tended to the Puritan Cleeve’s petition against the royalist
Gorges. Although the petition recommended no particular
remedies—Cleeve had only suggested that Parliament “take the
premises into due consideration, and to cause redress thereof to
be made and due recompense to the parties grieved”—Cleeve
在 3 四月
in fact had a speciﬁc course of action in mind.
1643, he assembled the remaining owners of the 1630 Lygo-
nia patent and oversaw the patent’s sale to prominent Puritan
Under King James, the Ly-
Parliamentarian Alexander Rigby.
gonia patent would likely have been deemed a broken title, 但
the Parliament of 1643 was happy to undermine the holdings
of Gorges by recognizing a competing land grant newly trans-
ferred into Puritan hands.

For Cleeve’s ambitions, Alexander Rigby was the ideal pro-
prietor. Deeply involved in the brewing English Civil War, 他
had no intention of closely governing his vast new province. 他
appointed Cleeve “Deputy-President of Lygonia” and sent him
back to New England to manage the territory’s affairs. Nomi-
nally, Cleeve was Rigby’s agent, obligated to obey his directives,
but since Rigby issued almost no directives, Cleeve effectively
became Lygonia’s ruler.

Though no historian has proven that Thomas Morton had a
role in establishing Lygonia, the evidence of his involvement is

“Cleeve, 乔治. Petition to Parliament ca. 1642.”
“An abstract of the title of Edward Rigby Esq to the Province of Ligonia in New
England 1620 1686,” 3 十一月 1620, Collections 61, 卷. 7, Pejepscot Papers, p. 8A,
Maine Historical Society.

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504

THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY

强的. 第一的, although Morton was serving as Gorges’ solicitor
and spy as late as September 1641, as soon as Lygonia was made
over to Rigby, Morton began working for him instead. 最多
尤其, Morton witnessed the 1643 deed by means of which
Rigby ofﬁcially granted Cleeve his longtime home of Casco
第二, only a few months after Rigby bought Lygonia,
Neck.
Morton wrote his will. In it he claimed to own “One parcell of
Land in the Province of Ligonia containing two thousand acres
lying in Casco Bay,” which would have bordered on Cleeve’s
Lygonian properties, as well as “two Islands in Casco Bay called
the Clapboard Islands .
. [和] all that one Island called
Though Morton’s deed to these lands
Martin’s Vineyard.”
does not survive, he likely received the land from Rigby almost
immediately after Rigby assumed the Lygonia patent.

George Cleeve had resided at his Casco Bay homestead be-
补间 1637 和 1642, the ﬁve years before Rigby purchased
Lygonia. He would have had little opportunity to assess the
suitability of Rigby—who had no previous involvement with
New England—as a proprietor or to make contact with him.
Morton, 另一方面, had spent those years in London.
He was well situated to evaluate Rigby’s potential interest in the
property and to keep abreast of the political changes that made
double-crossing Gorges feasible. Morton could easily have met
with Rigby as discreetly as he had met with Matthew Cradock
a few years before.

Although historians have been noncommittal on the issue,
the leaders of Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay ﬁrmly believed
that Morton and Cleeve continued to work together after leav-
ing Gorges’ employ. In 1643—the year in which Rigby bought

“Grant of Casco Neck and Hog Island from Sir Alexander Rigby to George

Cleeve,” Baxter, George Cleeve, collateral document 13, PP. 246–50.

“Will of Thomas Morton of Clifford’s Inn, Gent,” 23 八月 1643, in Charles Ed-
ward Banks, 编辑。, “Thomas Morton of Merry Mount,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, 卷. 58 (波士顿: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1925), p. 163.

Though he has a reputation as a trickster, Morton almost never made indefensible
legal claims. In addition to Lygonian land, Morton’s will assigned to his heirs the island
of Martha’s Vineyard; this too is plausible, for the island was part of Gorges’ original
Maine grant. After Morton’s death, no other claimant stepped forward and it remained
ofﬁcially “No Man’s Land” until 1650. See Charles E. Banks, The History of Martha’s
Vineyard, 3 卷. (波士顿: George H. 院长, 1911), 1:132.

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THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

505

Lygonia and Morton wrote his will—Morton returned to New
England. 在 7 十一月, prominent Plymouth colonist Ed-
ward Winslow alerted Governor Winthrop that Morton had
been seen in the area. Winslow did not believe that Morton
posed an imminent threat—“He cannot procure the lest respect
amongst our people,” Winslow wrote, and “liveth meanely at 4s
per week”—but he was troubled that Morton was claiming an
assignation from Alexander Rigby. “The truth is I much ques-
tion his pretended employment,” Winslow wrote, “for he hath
heer onely shewed the Frame of a Common weale and some
old sealed Commissions, but no inside knowne.” The sealed
commissions do not survive, and it is possible that Morton
had indeed forged them, but whether the papers were false
or legitimate, Winslow was certain that Morton and Cleeve
were allies in a plot against his colony. His letter to Winthrop
continued:

As for Mr Rigby, if he be so honest good & hopefull an instrument
as report passeth on him, he hath good hap to light on two of the
arrantest known knaves that ever trod on New English shores to be
his agents East and West, as Cleves & Morton; but I shall be jealous
on him till I know him better, & hope others will take heed how
they trust him who investeth such with power who have devoted
themselves to the ruine of the country as Morton hath.

After assisting in Lygonia’s founding, Morton seems to have
had no further dealings with the province. He lived out the
ﬁnal years of his life in the town of Agamenticus (present-day
约克), ﬁfty miles southwest of Casco Bay. The last record of
his life is a deed dated August 1646 that bears his signature as
witness; the precise date of his death is unknown.

As deputy president of Lygonia, Cleeve immediately set to
work organizing the province’s government. 在 1640, he in-
stituted a Lygonian circuit court that rotated sessions among

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48
4:428.
49

Edward Winslow to John Winthrop, 11 十一月 1643, in Winthrop Papers,

Sybil Noyes, Charles Thornton Libby, and Walter Goodwin Davis, Genealog-
ical Dictionary of Maine and New Hampshire, s.v., “Morton, Thomas” (巴尔的摩:
Genealogical Publishing Co., 公司, 1988), p. 495.

506

THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY

To supplement
the towns of Casco, Black Point, and Saco.
the court, he “nominated Commissioners, a Coronell Gener-
Given his ﬁrsthand
全部, Provost Marshall, and other ofﬁcers.”
knowledge of the territory and its inhabitants, Cleeve knew
that these positions would prove more effective than the feudal
ofﬁces Gorges had sought to establish for Maine years be-
fore. Denominating himself “Geo. Cleeves Gentl. & Agent for
ye Allexander Rigsby presedent & ppriatr of the provinc of
虽然
Ligonya,” he sold settlers parcels of Lygonian land.
he referred to himself as Rigby’s agent in these deeds, the am-
biguous placement of the title “presedent & ppriatr” beneath
the two men’s names suggests how Cleeve was positioning him-
自己. He even made an effort to garner grassroots support, send-
ing his longtime partner, Richard Tucker, from town to town
to persuade the new Lygonians to “set there handes to” par-
ticipation in the new government “for the better approving of
what they [有] begun.”

In spite of his impressive title and thoroughly respectable
backer in England, Cleeve still had to contend with Richard
Vines, who administered what remained of Gorges’ Maine.
Though Parliament had recognized Lygonia, it could not guar-
antee the province the respect of it neighbors. 此外,
the outbreak of civil war in England proved an obstacle to
Cleeve’s easy assumption of authority. The powerful men
who claimed New England property and who had inﬂuence
within the English legal system could not spare the time
to mediate among their deputies abroad. 之间 1644 和
1645, while Oliver Cromwell’s armies routed King Charles’s
军队, Gorges ﬂed London and Rigby served as one of
Cromwell’s colonels. Letters from New England to both men

Baxter, George Cleeve, p. 151.
“Richard Vines to John Winthrop,” in Baxter, George Cleeve, collateral document

51
8, p. 233.
52

[George Cleeve], “A True Copy of the deede that Ncoles White took for the land
that John Wallis now possesseth of mr Cleeues,” DS George Cleeve, 八月 1648,
transcription by John Plummer, George Cleeve Association, Portland, Maine.

“Richard Vines to John Winthrop,” in Baxter, George Cleeve, collateral document

8, PP. 233–34.

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THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

507

Though George Cleeve and Richard Vines
went unanswered.
still portrayed themselves as agents ﬁghting to protect their
patrons’ rights, during the years of the Civil War, Maine and
Lygonia received little direction from England.

Since judgment from abroad proved impossible to obtain,
both Cleeve and Vines requested that Massachusetts Bay issue
a temporary verdict until word arrived from England. As John
Winthrop noted,

When Mr. Cleaves . . . called a court at Casco, 先生. Richard Vines and
other of Sir Ferdinando Gorges’ commissioners opposed, and called
another court at Saco the same time: whereupon the inhabitants were
分为; those of Casco, ETC, wrote to Mr. Vines that they would stand
to the judgment of the magistrates of the bay till it were decided in
England, to which government they should belong.

Cleeve and Vines’s agreement to abide by a decision from
Massachusetts would set an important precedent for the re-
lationships among the governments of Maine, Lygonia, 和
马萨诸塞州.

In his interactions with Massachusetts Bay and other local
实体, Cleeve leaned heavily on Rigby’s name to ensure his
合法性. 在 3 可能 1645, he wrote to the Massachusetts Bay
government that he had “Receved from Mr Rigbie lettars of
derection & advice to pcede in the Government of his pvinc of
ligonia.” He asked Winthrop “to writ by yor Jenerall lettar to our
oposits to deter them from there illeagall psedings and a lettar
to our people of legonia to advice and incoridg them that . . .
they may and ought to adheare to mr Rigbis lawfull Athoritie.”
He signed this letter, as he signed many others, “GEORGE
CLEEVE for and in behalfe of the people of Ligonia.”

在 1645, events in England tipped the scales decisively in
favor of Lygonia’s legitimization: Oliver Cromwell’s Puritan

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See Winthrop, 杂志, p. 618. In his entry of 26 行进 1646, Winthrop notes
that the jurisdictional conﬂicts between Maine and Lygonia had not been resolved, 作为
news of the decision in favor of Lygonia had not yet arrived.

Winthrop, 杂志, p. 496.
“Letter of George Cleeve to Massachusetts Authorities,” in Baxter, George Cleeve,

collateral document 15, p. 256.

508

THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY

faction took control of Parliament. Though a lifelong royalist,
Gorges posed little danger to the new regime; he was well into
his seventies and penniless. Cromwell conﬁned him to his coun-
try estates, where he spent his last days writing about the beauty
Cleeve, seeking fur-
of the New World he had never seen.
ther to discredit Gorges’ authority, spread a rumor that he had
died attempting a “ﬂight into Walles,” while Vines countered
by claiming to have a letter “which . . . import[编辑] Sir Fferd:
Gorges his good health, with the restauracion of his possessions
With no word forthcoming from Gorges, 然而,
again.”
Vines—who depended on Gorges far more than Cleeve de-
pended on Rigby—could no longer maintain his authority, 和
在 1645 he left Maine for Barbados.
Sir Ferdinando Gorges
died fewer than two years later and was buried on 14 可能
1647.
George Cleeve, who had been administering Lygonia
自从 1643, petitioned Cromwell’s government to conﬁrm his
authority over the province. 最终, he prevailed. In March
1646, the Puritan Parliament appointed new commissioners
for North America, and they promptly acknowledged Rigby’s
Province of Lygonia.

At last, Cleeve’s authority over Lygonia appeared incontro-
vertible. With Morton’s assistance, he had taken a third of
Gorges’ Maine, established therein an independent govern-
蒙特, and won acknowledgment for it both locally and in
England. 实际上, Cleeve seemed so formidable that the res-
idents of neighboring Maine wondered if he would try to take
control of their towns as well. 在 1649, the circuit court of
Maine, which Gorges had created in 1640, recorded a defen-
sive resolution: “In case Mr. Cleaves or any other shall make any

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58
8, p. 235.
59

Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, p. 194.
“Richard Vines to John Winthrop,” in Baxter, George Cleeve, collateral document

Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, p. 194. Also see Genealogical Dictionary of Maine

and New Hampshire, s.v., “Vines, 博士. 理查德,” PP. 705–6.

Adams, foreword to Morton, New English Canaan, p. 120n.

THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

509

clame which cannot legally apeare of the people of Welles, 或者
any people of this province . . . then the sayd persons . . . shall
[give] mutuall assistance . . . as nede shall require to secure
them from any such unnecessary molestations.”

The precaution proved unnecessary. Within a few years of
Parliament’s ratiﬁcation of his authority, Cleeve’s regional in-
ﬂuence had already ebbed. 讽刺地, it had done so because
of the very government he had sought to institute. The General
Assembly of Lygonia, which was established on 22 九月
1648, had installed Robert Jordan, a former agent for Cleeve’s
rival Robert Trelawny, as its president and Cleeve as its deputy
Cleeve, 约旦, and a former agent of Gorges’
president.
named Henry Josselyn became the judges of the province. 作为
the nominal agent of powerful Englishmen—ﬁrst Gorges, 然后
Rigby—possessing a largely unwritten agenda, Cleeve had been
free to take whatever course of action he thought best; 作为
deputy president of a government composed of his peers, 他
was accountable to his fellow landowners. 而且, as local in-
frastructures in New England grew in importance, the value of
Cleeve’s personal relationship with the Rigby family dwindled.
从某种意义上说, he had made the same mistake as had his former
employer Gorges; he had trusted that legal rulings in England,
combined with an ongoing relationship to high-ranking mem-
bers of the English government, would be sufﬁcient to protect
the legitimacy of his title.

Cleeve was aware that his authority in the province was slip-
ping away. 在 1652, in an effort to reclaim full control of Lygo-
尼亚, he sailed to England to meet privately with Edward Rigby,
who had inherited Lygonia upon his father’s death. Cleeve must
have defamed the province’s other judges convincingly, for he
returned to Lygonia with a new thousand-acre patent and a
demand from Rigby that the current elected Lygonian leaders
“desist acting any Thing Virtute ofﬁcii . . . until you hear further

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Province and Court Records of Maine, 6 vols., 编辑. Charles T. Libby, 罗伯特·E.

Moody, and Neal W. 艾伦 (Portland: Maine Historical Society, 1928–75), 1:136.

George Folsom, History of Saco and Biddeford (1830; reprinted, Somersworth:

New Hampshire Publishing Company, 1975), p. 61.

510

THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY

With Cleeve’s encouragement, Rigby intended to
from me.”
govern Lygonia as Gorges had governed Maine: through agents,
orders, and commissions. “I shall with all convenient Speed,”
Rigby added decisively, “not only send back Mr. Cleeve [到
Lygonia] but a near Kinsman of my owne with Instructions
and Comissions.” But the Lygonians ignored Rigby’s orders,
and Rigby seems to have taken no further action.

Even more than the decline of English authority, the growth
of Massachusetts Bay, a local power, proved the undoing of
Lygonia. By the mid-1650s, the Massachusetts Bay Colony’s
government was larger and better organized than the gov-
ernments of its northern neighbors. Its citizens enjoyed the
rights of trial by jury and the freehold tenure of land; 内存-
bers of each individual town elected councils to write by-
laws as well as deputies to attend sessions of the General
The population of Massachusetts had grown to ap-
法庭.
65
近似地 14,000 经过 1650, and it was expanding rapidly.
Though the colony had experienced a depression throughout
much of the 1640s, colonists continued to farm and trade,
and by the end of the decade the Massachusetts economy had
stabilized.

相比之下, Lygonia’s settlements remained small, 疏散,
and impoverished. 在 1650 only about twelve hundred English
Although the region’s abundant
lived in Maine year round.
ﬁsh and lumber had enriched individual merchants, Lygonia
had not proﬁted as a whole, and its economy was languish-
英. Even the fur trade was failing. The province’s govern-
蒙特, though certainly functional, consisted essentially of a

“Edward Rigby’s Letter to the Inhabitants of Laconia,” in Baxter, George Cleeve,

collateral document 24, PP. 285–86.

Edmund S. 摩根, The Puritan Dilemma: The Story of John Winthrop (波士顿:

小的, Brown and Company, 1958), PP. 171–72.

Colonial Statistics, “Estimated Population of American Colonies: 1610–1780,”
Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1957: A Statistical Abstract
Supplement (华盛顿, 华盛顿特区: 我们. Bureau of the Census, 1960), ser. Z 6, p. 756.

James McWilliams, Building the Bay Colony: Local Economy and Culture in

Early Massachusetts (夏洛茨维尔: University of Virginia Press, 2007), PP. 63–65.

Colin Woodard, The Lobster Coast: Rebels, Rusticators, and the Struggle for a

Forgotten Frontier (纽约: Viking, 2004), p. 103.

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THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

511

Little had changed in Ly-
bare judiciary of local landowners.
gonia since John Winter described it to his sponsor Robert
Trelawny in 1639:

The people about these parts ar very poore, for I Cannot Conceave
what the Can have out of the Country to by them Clothes. The bever
trade doth faile which was their Cheffest stay for buy them Cloths.
The woules do kill their goates & swine, wherin the had a good hope
to gaine som thinge about them. Now they Can hardly keep so many
to ﬁnd them meat. Som Indian Corne the sell at harvest tyme, 但
ar faine to buy againe before harvest Comes againe, & som have no
bread in 2 moneths before harvest Com that their Corne be ripe, 为了
wants of meanes to buy ytt.

Massachusetts saw an opportunity in Lygonia. As John G.
Reid has written, the colony’s leaders were aware of the region’s
natural resources and were “uncomfortable” with the minimal
这
government regulating such an important buffer region.
Bay’s commissioners, under the pretext of resolving an old bor-
der dispute, began traveling from town to town, suggesting that
settlers in Maine and Lygonia might better secure their pros-
Cleeve,
perity and legal rights by joining Massachusetts Bay.
当然, was dismayed and protested to John Winthrop that
it was unfair for Massachusetts’ commissioners to approach the
citizens of a sovereign province in this way. The Massachusetts
government replied simply, “We have not endevoured to in-
fringe the liberties of the planters of those lands, but have
offered them the same with ourselves.”

The settlers living north of Massachusetts found this propo-
sition attractive. Town by town, the residents of Maine voted

里德, Maine, Charles II, and Massachusetts, writes: “In March 1640, Gorges
had appointed seven council members equipped with full powers to proceed against
pirates, to judge cases, both civil and criminal, and to imprison offenders. 超出此
no powers were granted, and thus the government of Maine consisted basically, 向上
直到 1652, of a government by a judiciary” (p. 8).

Trelawny Papers, 编辑. James Phinney Baxter (Portland: Hoyt, Fogg, and Donham

for the Maine Historical Society, 1884), p. 171.

John G. 里德, Acadia, Maine, and New Scotland: Marginal Colonies in the Sev-

enteenth Century (多伦多: University of Toronto Press, 1981), PP. 130–31.

Folsom, History of Saco and Biddeford, PP. 84–85.
“Answer of Massachusetts to George Cleeve Respecting her Northern Boundary,”

in Baxter, George Cleeve, collateral document 27, p. 295.

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512

THE NEW ENGLAND QUARTERLY

to bring themselves under the protection of the government of
Massachusetts Bay. Though Lygonian towns held out longer,
they too soon accepted Massachusetts’ jurisdiction, and on 13
七月 1658, Cleeve, along with his fellow judges, Jordan and
Jocelyn, formally agreed that Lygonia would become “subject
Cleeve was
to the Government of the Massachusetts Bay.”
allowed to remain in the government as a commissioner for
Falmouth, formerly a Lygonian town. From the rank of deputy
president of a New World province, he fell to the position of
a small-claims judge with a two-town jurisdiction, able to hear
尽管
cases up to the value of ﬁfty pounds without a jury.
he retained this role to the end of his life, Cleeve apparently
remained discontented: one of the last documents bearing his
name is a public statement he made on 26 七月 1666, 在
age of eighty-two, pledging “to bee of good behaviour towards
all men.”

He died soon thereafter.

During its brief existence, Lygonia possessed two of the three
characteristics Karen Kupperman has identiﬁed as critical to
the success of a colony: it offered its residents the right to land
76
ownership and to a rudimentary form of self-government.
If Lygonia had adopted the third measure—a militia under
civilian control—Cleeve might have been able to ward off
Massachusetts’ advances, assert his province’s sovereignty, 和
ensure its independence. 或者, if Lygonia had fash-
ioned a strong local economy, its residents might have felt
more committed to its ongoing autonomy. Given his ﬁrsthand
knowledge of New England, his entrepreneurial spirit, 和他的
enviable associations, Cleeve’s failure to develop Lygonia may
seem puzzling, but his ultimately unsuccessful approach to its
governance can best be understood as a continuation of the
strategy that had enabled him to establish the province a decade
早些时候. Together with Thomas Morton, Cleeve built Lygonia
through legal and political maneuvering, and he sustained the

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“George Cleeves chosen, at a Court houlden at Yorke July 12, 1658, as one of
the Commissioners for Falmouth for the yeare Insewing,” in Baxter, George Cleeve,
collateral document 30, p. 299.

Baxter, George Cleeve, PP. 174–75.
Province and Court Records of Maine, 1:316.
Kupperman, Providence Island, p. X.

THE PROVINCE OF LYGONIA

513

perception of its legitimacy through his connections to power-
ful men in England. When Parliament acknowledged Lygonia,
Cleeve believed that his authority was secure. But as the Mas-
sachusetts Bay Colony grew and as its leadership began to
gain broader acceptance across New England, Cleeve’s ties to
English authority lost much of their signiﬁcance. The English
内战, 也, contributed to the development of local author-
性, because it disrupted communication across the Atlantic at
a critical moment in the history of New England’s settlements.
Thomas Morton captures the importance of the trend toward
local authority in New England in one of the more melodra-
matic passages of his New English Canaan, where he reﬂects
在 1630 arrival of the settlers of Massachusetts Bay, WHO,
along with those of the Plymouth Colony, made it impossible
for Morton to live as he pleased in New England. “These men
have brought a very snare indeed,” he wrote, “And now [我] must
The “snare” of the Puritans, in Morton’s metaphor,
suffer.”
was the body of laws they had created for their colony. 更多的
than the actions of any single individual, the existence of an
organized government in Massachusetts Bay, with its own legal
系统, barred Morton from pursuing his own and his spon-
sor’s aims in New England. 他, and Cleeve after him, 可以
outmaneuver any number of enemies, so long as they were
independent of one another. 然而, neither Morton nor
Cleeve could best a ﬂourishing, coordinated local government
that was widely recognized by the region’s English inhabitants.
“[我的] doome before hand was concluded on,” Morton grimly
报道. “They have a warrant now.”

Morton, New English Canaan, p. 311.

Hannah Farber is a graduate student in American history at
加州大学, 伯克利. This article is adapted
from an essay that received Yale University’s 2005 John Addi-
son Porter Prize for best undergraduate essay on the political,
constitutional, or economic history, 状况, or future of the
美国.

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