科学, Sensibility and - 麻省理工学院人工智能研究专业

科学, Sensibility and
Gender in Argentina,
1820–1852

Adriana Novoa
Department of History,
University of South Florida

This article analyzes how scientiﬁc thinking evolved in Argentina during the
1820s and 1830s. I will focus on liberals’ association of science with the
emergence of a new male sensibility that feminized the role of men in society.
This gendered scientiﬁc culture explains how liberals clashed in the 1830s
with the policies of the governor of Buenos Aires, Juan Manuel de Rosas,
whose hyper masculinist model based on the authority of the father was
perceived not only as anti-civilization, but also as anti-science. This association
of gender and science helps us to explain how the introduction of Darwinian
ideas that seemed to support a more masculinist representation of evolution,
now ruled by laws of survival and competition, was perceived as a contradiction
of past ideas by the 1870s.

介绍

1.
This essay does not focus on the trajectory of researchers’ lives and work,
but on the context that explains how Argentina’s scientiﬁc environment
was related to the needs of nation building throughout the ﬁrst half of
十九世纪. The departure point is the association between repub-
licanism and science and how the latter introduced a gendered perspective
that drastically contradicted the most masculinist interpretation of Darwin’s
theory by the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The scholarship de-
voted to the study of science in Argentina during the nineteenth century
has made signiﬁcant contributions to our understanding of how scientiﬁc
ideas were popularized in the country, but has not considered the relation-
ship between science and gender, particularly how science was associated
to a male sensibility that feminized the men and promoted the cooperation
and sense of brotherhood needed to build the nation before 1859. It is for
this reason that I will analyze how the linkage of science, 艺术, 和性别

科学观点 2020, 卷. 28, 不. 2
© 2020 由麻省理工学院

https://doi.org/10.1162/posc_a_00342

318

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科学观点

319

was developed from the 1820s and how this deﬁned an idea of masculinity
that was at the center of the disputes between conservative and liberals by
1830s. In part one I will discuss the context that allowed the emergence of
a new male sensibility to form in the 1820s; in the second part, I will
demonstrate how science and sensibility were crucially linked in the ideo-
logical civil war that confronted conservatives and liberals. 正如我们将看到的,
the former defended a masculinity understood as “natural” and materialistic,
while the latter identiﬁed the culture of civilization/science as part of a femi-
nine sphere that promoted self-transformation and progress.

My understanding of context is similar to that of Evelleen Richards,
即, that ideas are “read and given meaning” in an environment that
already is charged with its own dynamic, which implies that any ideology
means different things at different times (2018, p. 417). 在这种情况下, I will
conclude by explaining how the pre-Darwinian context of the ﬁrst half of
the nineteenth century might help us to understand how gender categories
were viewed after Darwin, and the role that this change had in a nation
developed according to the science of the Enlightenment.

2. Republican Sensibility and Science
The process of independence in Argentina started in 1810, but the break-
up with Spain was only ﬁnally declared in 1816. The institutional forma-
tion of the country followed a republican model that, while following the
model of the United States, was abolitionist and more radical in its con-
ception of freedom. By the 1820s the liberals who promoted this transfor-
mation understood manhood as related to the formation of the citizen, 这
man who understood himself as governed by the laws of the republic. 这
implied that education was central to promote the development of the new
republican culture through the study of science, 哲学, 文学, 和
艺术. In terms of gender, its understanding in Argentina was similar to what
happened in France, where since the late seventeenth century there was a
conviction “that an enlightened society should be constructed on the basis
on reason, not superstition, and on the recognition of natural law, 相当
than the dictates of cultural constraint.” This meant “reconsidering the
social signiﬁcance of biology and biological difference,” which led to the
thought that there was a sexual division of labor and “the necessary ascrip-
tion of man and women” to separate roles in society (打开 1986, p. 460).
Diverse authors contributed to the formation of republicanism. 他们
wrote in English, 法语, and German and were read in multiple transla-
系统蒸发散, or in summaries provided in the leading European journals of the
时间. It is important to remember that around the 1800s the opposition
between science and the arts did not exist; 相当, the real division was
“between the realm of science, governed by reason, and that of practice,

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科学, Sensibility and Gender in Argentina

or rule of thumb; and the apostles of science hoped to replace habit by
reason in the affairs of life” (骑士 1990, p. 14). In the early nineteenth
世纪, natural science was a component of the one culture of western
欧洲,” and it was this uniﬁed view of knowledge that was so attractive
intellectuals in the Americas (骑士 1990, p. 22).

England’s utilitarianism, sensationalism, French scientiﬁc ideas, 格尔-
man Natürphilosophie and Romantic biology—all played an important part
in the understanding of science and the culture of sensibility that were
relevant in the particular liberalism created in Argentina. In the 1820s
the inﬂuence of the Idéologie, developed by the French philosopher Antoine
Destutt de Tracy, was very important to legitimize the development of the
republic, as Klaus Gallo and Jorge Myers have explained (Gallo 1999,
2004; 迈尔斯 2003). This philosophy replaced the dominance of scholasti-
cism in the Americas through the readings of de Tracy, the Marquis de
孔多塞, Étienne Bonnot de Condillac, Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, 皮埃尔
Claude François Daunou, the Comte de Volney, Pierre Jean Georges Cabanis,
and Pierre Laromiguière. This followed a common pattern in the Americas;
例如, Félix Varela in Cuba and Thomas Jefferson in the United States
were instrumental in introducing the work of de Tracy as part of the debates
on the nature of republicanism. This philosophy also emphasized, 通过
sensationalism, the study of physiology and also logic, which were under-
stood as part of the republican science against the ideas of the political ab-
solutism that was part of colonialism.

在 1822, through the inﬂuence of the Bernardino Rivadavia’s adminis-
翻译, Ideología [Ideology] became a course taught at the university by
Juan Manuel Fernández de Agüero, who published his lectures on the
主题. In his class, students learned two important lessons: 首先, 缺点-
nection between the physical and the moral; 第二个, a materialistic
understanding of humans, which forced a revision of metaphysics and spir-
itualist positions. Men were not far separated from animals in this concep-
的, and physiology emphasized the similarities across species. 这
perspective also introduced the importance of sensibility as a connection
between thought and feeling.

De Tracy understood “the words perception and idea as synonymous in
their most extensive signiﬁcation, and for the same reasons the words think
and feel as equivalent also when taken in all their generality” (de Tracy
1817, p. 40; 原文中强调的). This was due to the fact that
“all our thoughts are things felt; and if they were not felt they would
be nothing;” and sensibility was “the general phenomenon which consti-
tutes and comprehends the whole existence of an animated being, 至少
for himself; and inasmuch as he is an animated being it is the only condition
which can render him a thinking being” (de Tracy 1817, p. 40; emphasis in

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科学观点

321

the original). Sensibility was then the faculty “of being affected” by percep-
tions that might be agreeable or disagreeable, and this was what constituted
“the faculty of willing” (de Tracy 1817, p. 41). An animated being, “and
specially man,” was endowed “with sensibility and activity, with passion
and action,” which meant “with wants and means.” This turned sensibility
into the key to understand humanity and also emphasized the importance of
the environment in shaping the perceptions that led to action (de Tracy
1817, p. 41).

The culture of sensibility was also shaped in Argentina by romanticism,
with its merging of nature and thought. 罗伯特·J. Richards has explained
the connection between science and philosophy in the romantic conception
生命的, emphasizing how important the link between arts and science was
in the Romantic sensibility that developed at the end of the eighteenth
世纪. According to Richards, the “erotic power of nature thus trans-
mutes into an artistic force that realizes beauty in another medium. Touch
and vision, reason and sense combine in love to produce an aesthetic and
intuitive understanding of the unity grounding nature and art” (2010,
p. 400). Among Argentine intellectuals, these ideas were merged with the
sensibility and perception as understood by de Tracy.

This explains why sensualist psychology was important so early in
Argentina’s educational efforts. It was the result of assimilating the French
模型, in which “reformist educational writers increasingly privileged
sensation over reﬂection as a means for shaping the individual,” an impor-
tant inﬂuence on those who followed Enlightenment ideas in Argentina
(Spary 2000, p. 196). As was the case in France, the “power to sense,
sensibilité, was central to the making of natural historical knowledge,”
supported by the power of vision (Spary 2000, p. 194). Vicente F. López,
in his autobiography, explained how he and the other students at the
University of Buenos Aires were introduced to these ideas. His professor
of philosophy was Diego Alcorta, a follower of Condillac and the French
Ideologues. He had written a book manuscript on the subject, 和他的
lectures were based on it. His use of psychology would be very important
for his disciples in the future (López 1929).

This view of science and sensibility was reﬂected in the publication of
La Abeja Argentina in 1822. Published by the Literary Society [Sociedad
Literaria], 成立于 1821, this was the fourth attempt at creating an
institution that promoted Enlightenment ideas. 在 1811 a “Club” was
形成的, 并在 1812 the “Patriotic Society” [Sociedad Patriótica], followed
by the “Society of Good Taste” [Sociedad del Buen Gusto] 在 1818.
Although they did not last long, they nonetheless show how the ideology
that was so important by the 1840s had its roots in the country. 这
Literary Society published a weekly, Argos de Buenos Aires, 此外

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科学, Sensibility and Gender in Argentina

the monthly journal Abeja Argentina. Its twelve members belonged to the
most important families of Buenos Aires, and Cosme Argerich, Juan
Antonio Fernández, and Vicente López were the ones mostly responsible
for writing about medicine and science (Gutiérrez 1877, PP. 3–229). 这
Abeja gained a reputation, even though it was not published for long.
Alexander von Humboldt, 例如, cited it in his Personal Narrative
of Travels (1826, p. 252), 并在 1835 it appeared mentioned in The
American Journal of Science and Arts published in the United States (“On
the Reality” 1835, p. 241).

In the ﬁrst issue of Abeja Argentina it was explained that the union of
science and art was very important to improve the nation, and for this
reason the mission is described as “generalizing all type of knowledge”
coming from civilized culture. The sciences are represented as “the image
of movement,” the needed impulse that transformed societies (“Origen”
1822, p. 24). In the case of medicine, the transformation came through
“the rules of public and private hygiene [higiene],” which explains why
the journal contained a section on sickness and prevention, and a popular-
ization of scientiﬁc ideas (“Origen” 1822, p. 25). The creation of the
University of Buenos Aires in 1821, and the school of medicine shortly
后, were presented as an example of the new era of development in
国家, since science was not able to exist and expand “without the
inﬂuence of the government” (“Medicina” 1822, p. 71).

In other articles it is clearly mentioned that by the end of the 18th
century an important change had occurred. This transformation helped
to establish that “observation united to experience was the foundation of
all the arts” [artes]. This new approach was translated to politics through
“a new science” that belonged to the “moral class” (“La Balanza” 1822,
p. 227). It was for this reason that the highest authority was “the profes-
sional, or scientist, 那是, the authority of those men who make a profes-
sion out of an art or a science” (“Soﬁsmas Políticos” 1822, p. 236). 在这个
way “the sciences apply to the arts, and the arts to the public work”
(“Ciencias” 1822, p. 247). 音乐, 例如, was part of the union between
science and arts.

The daily Argos of Buenos Aires featured regular musical criticism together
with articles on politics, 艺术, and science. In one of them, the critic praised
Juan Pedro Esnaola, who had perfected his skills as composer and pianist in
Paris and Madrid, and whose minuets were later published in La Moda by
Juan B. Alberdi, the future writer of the 1853 宪法. Upon his return
to Argentina in 1822, Alberdi opened a music academy that was supported
by the enlightened government of Buenos Aires. Instruction, following the
liberal ideas of the time, was given to both men and women. Another article
in Argos reﬂected proudly on the program of the opening concert attended

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科学观点

323

by many important politicians besides “female followers” (quoted in
Alberto Williams 1897, p. 264).

在 11 十一月 1822, the ﬁrst monthly concert demonstrated the
progress made by the music academy. “Eleven of the most advanced girls
beautifully played several pieces of the Italian and Spanish song cycle.
Three male students helped with the choir together with the young
teacher and director” (Alberto Williams 1897, p. 264). 根据
liberal views, artists were able to make nature beautiful through the study
of philosophy, since the latter allowed the understanding of the “immutable
laws of universal harmony,” a unity in which “the moral and physical
world” rested. Among the sciences, “the study of the natural sciences”
was the “only origin of all human knowledge,” and in the latter man should
always base “the foundation of his concepts and works” (“Ciencias.
Concluye el discurso” 1822, p. 358). The work of the recently created
science commission was, 然后, “to classify the physical and mathematical
sciences in a natural order;” to determine the limits “that their relations
have among them, and with the arts and ﬁne arts,” in order to “perfect
the moral man, and to enjoy the true freedom, 和, as a consequence,
happiness” (“Noticias Estadisticas” 1822, p. 354). Morality in republicanism
was taught through science and the arts, which developed the aesthetics sense
that was the distinctive feature of the new society.

Unlike what was defended by the conservatives, whose positions were
closer to a Hobbesian perspective, natural law was understood by liberals
as the relationship between man’s extended knowledge and nature. 这
dependency that existed between the rights of nature and those of man
constituted the principles of natural law. Truth was “the essential principle
of the natural law;” justice and liberty resided “in the perfect agreement of
the positive and natural laws, and in the meeting of truth, 正义, 和
liberty the moral,” which was “the origin of the political and social
sciences.” On the “perfect knowledge” of these sciences depended “the
perfecting of the human species,” and on its perfecting depended “its
happiness.” But this perfection was only the result of “experience,” an
experience acquired over time, a time that created a need that made possible
the genius, “and the genius creates the arts. 为此原因, the natural
sciences are applied to the arts and public works” (“Ciencias” 1822, p. 246).
In the same vein, a speech given about the arts, public works, and ﬁne
arts intended “to indicate their relationship with the physical and mathe-
matical sciences” (“Ciencias” 1822, p. 242). These ideas were reﬂected in a
program for the study of post-elementary education that started with
classes of “drawing, that teach us how to imitate,” followed by natural
history and languages. The second stage covered the study of math, 和
the third the study of the “general sciences, being those literary or political”

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科学, Sensibility and Gender in Argentina

(“Plan De Enseñanza” 1822, p. 141). These three sections followed the
education plan put in place in France after the 1789 revolution, but with
a larger emphasis on the sciences. The ﬁrst section taught natural history,
one foreign language, and Latin or Greek; the second section introduced
aesthetics and geometry; and the third prepared students in Physical Sciences
and mathematics (几何学, calculus, 物理, astronomy, 化学, 和
natural history), Literary Sciences (文学, ideology and grammar), 和
Moral and Political Sciences (natural law, philosophical history of people,
political economy).

The educational plan demonstrates that by 1820s science was under-
stood as a provider of a unity that reﬂected the interests of the nation
and educated the youth in a way that formed a republican sensibility (“Plan
De Enseñanza” 1822, p. 141). In analyzing the inﬂuence of scientiﬁc ideas
coming from France, Jessica Riskin’s work on science and sensibility is very
helpful. As she demonstrated, there was an engagement of Enlightenment
French science with sentimental English literature. Natural science and
literature “were not far during the eighteenth century, nor were France
and England” (Riskin 2002, p. 7). It is for this reason that the culture of
sensibility was not restricted “to feminine, 英语, polite society,” but the
same preoccupations “were at work in the overwhelming male, 法语
science.” Sensualism, 例如, named sensory experience “the only
genuine source of knowledge,” which created a suspicion of abstract theory
since it banished Descartes’s mind/body dualism (Riskin 2002, p. 8).

在 1824, an education that formed students according to a new sensi-
bility that through science connected the arts was praised by the govern-
ment of Buenos Aires. According to this text, the youth of this province
and others in the country were acquiring means to improve the knowledge
of moral and natural sciences. Political economy was also part of the cur-
riculum starting this year, and there was also a school of surgery, 化学
and physics labs brought from Europe “to serve the teaching of natural
科学,” together with new collections of minerals and natural species
that would help the country’s industry. Vaccination had fought the “forces
of evil” and defeated diseases (“Mensaje del Gobierno” 1824, p. 5). 这
hopeful depiction of the situation did not last long. Soon this decade
would be characterized as anarchic, chaotic, and dominated by violence,
and liberal ambitions would be shaped by a very different reality.

科学, Sensibility and Feminization

3.
By the 1830s, civil war had destroyed republicanism, and a dictatorship at
the hands of the conservative governor of Buenos Aires, Juan Manuel de
Rosas, took control of the nation. The culture that was promoted by the

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科学观点

325

liberals in the 1820s was marginalized, and science and modern sensibility
were displaced by an instruction that emphasized tradition and authenticity
based on an authoritarian family model that placed the father in absolute
控制. Rosas also used the failure of republicanism in France, a nation that
在 1830 成为, 再次, a monarchy, as proof that the liberals’ goal was far
from an achievable reality. 在 1833 Rosas retired to wage a campaign
against the Indians, and it was on that military mission that he met a young
Englishman named Charles Darwin, who was part of the H.M.S. Beagle
expedition. The naturalist noted his early impressions of Rosas:

General Rosas intimated a wish to see me; a circumstance which
I was afterwards very glad of. He is a man of an extraordinary
特点, and has a most predominant inﬂuence in the country,
which it seems probable he will use to its prosperity and
advancement.* … His states are admirably managed, and are far
more productive of corn than those of others. He ﬁrst gained
celebrity by his laws for his own estancias, and by disciplining several
hundred men, so as to resist with success the attacks of the Indians.
There are many stories current about the rigid manner in which his
laws were enforced. (Darwin 1846, p. 92)

Darwin saw in Rosas a defender of civilization through his fight against the
“savages” and a knowledge of nature that led to a highly productive
commercial cattle industry. But by 1845 he regretted this admiring portrait,
adding a footnote that read: “*This prophecy has turned out entirely and
miserably wrong. 1845” (Darwin 1846, p. 92). 在这个部分, we will see
how this change can be explained by the actions of a new liberal elite that
fought the dictatorship of the governor of Buenos Aires, 除其他事项外,
through an international campaign in which civilized science and gender
played a crucial role. This renewal of the association between the culture of
sensibility and science pictured the political conﬂict as one characterized by
the protection of a feminized civilization against a barbaric male and author-
itarian power that crushed the hopes raised by revolutionary ideology.

After the military campaign during which he met Darwin, Rosas returned
to his post as governor in 1835, and under his rule the country lacked a
national political organization. The absence of a national organization, 和
of a constitution determining the type of government and divisions of powers,
was not part of an unwitting plan on Rosas’s part. He detested liberalism and
its secular values “of humanism and progress.” He identiﬁed liberals with
“men of enlightenment and principles,” freemasons who were subversives
and “undermined order and tradition and whom he held responsible for the
political assassinations which brutalized Argentine public life from 1828 到
1835” (林奇 2001, p. 154).

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As Jorge Myers explained, Rosas believed in the “‘natural’ existence of
social hierarchies,” which were deﬁned by three elements: merit, 财产
and social distinction. Rosas’s refusal to participate in a dialogue about the
legality of his authority earned him a new generation of enemies among
the young people born after the revolution of 1810, a group that aspired to
reorganize the country according to what they called “civilized ideas”
(迈尔斯 1995, p. 47). Known as the “Generation of 1837,” these young
men’s lives converged “at several important junctures. All were born
within a decade of the outbreak of Argentina’s independence struggle from
Spain.” Besides this, “for the next twenty years, as children and adoles-
cents, they witnessed the violent struggles between unitarian and federalist
partisans or between advocates of urban, liberal, Europeanized ideals and
defenders of Hispanic traditionalism” (Katra 1996, p. 8). Tulio Halperín
Donghi characterized the basis of their ﬁrst stage of political activity in
这边走:

[它] seems to consider the hegemony of the educated class as the basic
element of the political order to which they aspire. … The hegemony
of the educated is justiﬁed by the array of ideas and solutions that
should permit them to provide effective direction to a society seen
by the New Generation as essentially passive, just as it was the
responsibility of the educated class to incarnate the very ideas whose
possession granted them the right to govern. (1951, p. xiv)

Against the ideology of liberals, Rosas defended an “ideal of good
government” that was represented by “a paternal autocracy, 聪明的,
disinterested and indefatigable” (quoted by Sierra 1972, p. 215). Rosas
believed in the infancy of the nation and the need to wait for the natural
development of society, an almost organic process that could not be altered
by philosophical principles. His liberal enemies saw in his rejection of
foreign ideas a defense of an “American System” or “Americanism” that
promoted a primitive sensibility that did not transcend the limits of the
most primitive organism. Vicente F. López, a member of the Generation of
‘37, described the intellectual inﬂuences that inspired the youth as related
to the post-radical sources that resulted from the collapse of republicanism
in France by the 1830s. They had begun to read with attention “Victor
Cousin, Francisco Renato de Chautebriand, Alexandre Dumas (the elder),
Edgar Quinet, Henri Saint-Simon, François Guizot, Pierre Leroux, Claudio
F. Jouffroy, Walter Scott, Madame Staël, George Sand, François Villemain,
Lord Byron, Désiré Nisard, Félicité Lamennais, Victor Hugo, and Alexis
de Tocqueville” (quoted by Davis 1972, p. 72). This generation was
shaped internally by the 1820s civil wars and also by the philosophical

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327

and scientiﬁc literature that emerged from France after the restoration of
the monarchy in 1830, which had given many liberals pause and ﬁlled
them with uncertainty.

In an article written in 1839, Domingo F. Sarmiento, another member
of the liberal youth and future president of Argentina, explained that the
science of his time came from Saint-Simonian and Pierre Leroux’s writings,
the later the popularizer of the term socialism. According to Sarmiento,
“the supreme thought” of the nineteenth century was “the continuous
progress applied to all the human elements, 科学, 艺术, industry and
政治,” and Leroux’s synthetic thought was the one that would allow
the continuing progress and creation (1839). Sarmiento’s interpretation
was correct, since the social science of the socialists “was not a closed
system or rigid social blueprint. 相当, they assumed that it was a
genuine experimental science, and that its ﬁndings must be achieved by
piecemeal empirical trials combined with the fortuitous powers of inven-
tive genius, just as any science achieves a theoretical and practical” break-
通过 (Corcoran and Fuchs 1983, p. 8). In Facundo, his most famous
书, written in 1845, Sarmiento explained that the French restoration
meant for his generation the “vanishing of the illusions,” which paused the
emphasis on the natural and physical sciences as the main source of knowledge
to favor the “social sciences” that could reorganize republicanism. 从
these sources it became clear that “Voltaire was not much right, Rousseau
was a sophist, Mably and Raynal were anarchists, and there were not three
权力, nor social contract, ETC. etc.” (1888, p. 44). This turning point
revealed the importance of “race, tendencies, national habits, historical
antecedents.” Tocqueville revealed “for the ﬁrst time the secret of North
美国, Sismondi discover[编辑] for us the emptiness of constitutions;
Thierry, Michelet and Gizot, the spirit of history” (Sarmiento 1888,
p. 45). Eclecticism became the leading philosophy against the materialism
of the Ideologues that had supported the development of the natural and
physical sciences in the previous generation.

The focus of the new science was not on the natural world but on
human society, which was “the focus of any moral, scientiﬁc, artistic or
political inquiry.” While socialism was a term that in England was used
to oppose capitalism, for Leroux the opposition was framed as socialism
and individualism (Corcoran and Fuchs 1983: 3). In terms of gender, 这
new ideology promoted a less authoritarian family structure, 哪里的
“indissoluble marriage” was eroded in an attack on monogamy, 哪个
liberated women from what was a limitation of their freedom (Corcoran
and Fuchs 1983: 3). The ﬁght for women’s rights could follow many
different paths, from the extremism of Enfantin and his femme libre to Hugo’s
and Leroux’s emphasis on the importance of the family to socialize members

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科学, Sensibility and Gender in Argentina

of society. These debates about the condition of women were followed by
the young liberals in Argentina. Alberdi, 例如, in Tobías, written in
1844 and published in 1851, made a parody of the extreme gender ideas of
some French socialists.

In the present century, the sexes have had a tendency to become
confused. The anatomical research of certain socialists has revealed
that there is not, 毕竟, any real organic difference between woman
和男人. This doctrine will doubtless lead the women of Paris, 在
this unlikely date, to renew the famous Tennis Court Oath in protest
against their age-old duty to propagate the species. And if the men
fail to assume this burden, God only knows how, and by whom, 这
human race will be renewed. (1886, p. 347)

The youth that emerged in 1837 attempted to renew the revolutionary
thinking of 1810 that had failed to organize the republic. In order to do
所以, they emphasized their commitment to a new science that linked the
emergence of a new male sensibility to revolutionary action in order to
ﬁght Rosas’s naturalism and selﬁshness. Unlike Leroux, who opposed eco-
nomic laisser-faire, this youth continued their support for English thinkers
like Adam Smith, 例如. Their enemies were authoritarianism,
selﬁshness, and individualism, or Rosas’s natural law against a gendered
culture deﬁned by progress and the aspiration to improve. 此外, roman-
ticism and science were also merged by the intellectuals of this generation
through their devotion to the work of Alexander von Humboldt, who was very
inﬂuential in introducing a conception of gender linked to a vitalist under-
standing of nature.

This vitalism contradicted the previous mechanist interpretations and pro-
posed instead a reconciliation of mind and matter. Matter was alive and able
to activate itself, and it had principles of self-organization that promoted a
teleological perspective that associated the organism with an internal plan of
发展. Applying this idea to gender, vitalists rejected a clear natural
division of masculine/feminine roles, as it was defended by Rosas, and instead
promoted the idea of cooperation, reciprocity, and interest in otherness and
相似. According to these ideas, the sexes could both exchange their
mutual qualities, though the male was considered the active part and the
female the receptive one. Humboldt believed that a “reconstruction of gender”
was the “necessary condition for a leap in human consciousness and its progres-
sive development” (Reill 2014, p. 72). Love became an important concept
that deﬁned the merging of the genders and their mutuality.

It was for this reason that one of Rosas’s worse crimes was his inability
to love others, to create a brotherhood of enlightened equals that led to the

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emergence of a perfecting society. This interest in philosophical and scien-
tiﬁc ideas that were connected with conceptions of union and sameness
resulted from the synthesis of a wide ideological repository, as it was in
the 1820s. Against the individualism that traditionally had deﬁned liberalism,
this liberal generation was interested in ideas that promoted solidarity and
commonality in order to restore republicanism. If Humboldt’s views on
science were helpful to understand nature and gender, French socialists,
and particularly Leroux, was equally important to propose a new political
order that deﬁned “man by relation to his fellow man, using the term
semblable, deﬁning the individual by that which is common rather than
by difference.” The goal of this thinker “was to alleviate the conﬂicts
between people by erasing the differences among them. This is signiﬁcant
for class differences as well as for sexual difference” (Andrews 2002, p. 706).
His followers in Argentina, 尽管, emphasized sameness to unite those
who were part of the culture of civilization, but differentiated the former
from the primitive, masculinist, barbarians that supported Rosas. 性别
difference became for them more important than sexual difference, 并为
this reason they depicted themselves as part of a feminized society that
defended a new sensibility that changed the world of the experiential.
科学, 文学, and the arts provided a feminine environment that
allowed them to sense civilization and to think through its principles.

In the speeches given at the opening event of the Literary Salon (Salón
Literario) 在 1837, Marcos Sastre proposed, 例如, the establishment of
“scientiﬁc readings” that helped to discuss the philosophical ideas of “Vico,
Herder and Jouffroi [原文如此]” together with the “poetic and religious accents of
souls like those of Lamartine and Chautebriand,“ 和, 一般来说, the commu-
nication of “ideas and notions that were important in religion, 哲学,
农业, 历史, poetry, music and painting.” In order to bring together
the group of young men that had gathered at the meeting, Sastre deﬁned them
as “virtuous, sensible, and enlightened,” men who loved knowledge and pos-
sessed the “seed of genius” (Sastre 1837, p. 14). The convocation was not issued
on the basis of Rosas’s emphasis on force, material strength, and order, 但
rather on a call to unite “your souls with the divine bonds of love,” making
a wish that through “the harmony of your feelings, and the fragrance of your
virtues,” the youth would wake up from the abandonment of the time. 科学
and literature would be the areas on which the youth should focus, 和
Argentine literature would promote “social improvement” [mejora social], 阿尔-
lowing the authors to discover the “strings of their sensibility that were hidden
in all hearts” (Sastre 1837, p. 24). This sensibility’s mission was to “wake up
men from the dreams of selﬁshness, screaming deep in their chests that “you are
all brothers! And you must unite through the sweet bonds of love” (Sastre 1837, p. 24,
原文中强调的).

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科学, Sensibility and Gender in Argentina

The “spontaneous result” of these feelings would be the creation of a
“scientiﬁc establishment” which would fulﬁll “the national intellectual
demand” (Alberdi 1837, p. 21). 明显地, these men were a great departure
from Rosas’s own views on manhood, based on a naturalistic and realistic
understanding of political power that did not assume a future much different
from the present. In his speech, Juan B. Alberdi repeated Sastre’s message,
afﬁrming that the revolutions that had produced republicanism were the
result of the “development of the human spirit” that would create the
“deﬁnitive world.” (Alberdi 1837, p. 34). In addition to Alberdi, 最多
prominent intellectual of the group was Esteban Echeverría, the author of
the Socialist Dogma, the foundational text of this generation written in
1837. In it, there was also a reference to the importance of the 1830 revo-
lution for his generation:

It is for this reason that we are looking for a manifestation of the
historical law of human progress that was supported by Leibnitz and
formulated by Vico in the seventeenth century. [this law] was also
demonstrated historically by Herder, Turgot, and Condorcet in the
eighteenth century and unveiled and discovered not long ago by
Leroux in the development and manifestation of the continuity of life
among all the beings of the visible creation and human societies.
Thanks to this law all societies are destined to develop and perfect
themselves over time, according to certain determined conditions,
and in this we should ﬁnd, and ﬁnd ourselves in, the May revolution,
the ﬁrst page of our country’s history. (Echeverría 1871, p. 307;
原文中强调的).

In this programmatic work, “politics, 哲学, religion, 艺术, 科学,
行业, and all the intelligent and material labor” would be used to found
“the empire of democracy” against Rosas’s dictatorship (Echeverría 1871,
p. 191). In a letter written ten years later to answer the attacks on this text
made by the intellectual behind Rosas’s propaganda, Pedro de Angelis,
Echeverría rescued the importance that science and sensibility had in the
revolutionary culture that had founded the country. He defended his
attempt to recreate “a social, scientiﬁc, and Argentine doctrine”, and he
admitted that there were two intentions behind this project; 首先, to elevate
politics to a “true science,” both in theory and practice; 第二, to oppose
Rosas’s view of society as “a machine,” made of “materialistic triggers,”
that made impossible to think about a plan to perfect the existing chaos
(1874A, p. 321).

Rosas (and de Angelis’s) “social machines” were supported by “brute
力量,” material strength, and a masculinist violence that was opposed

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331

by the language “of science,” which supported the revolution that had
emancipated Argentina from colonialism (Echeverría 1874, p. 270).
Philosophy was for Echeverría “the science of life in all its manifestations,
from the mineral to the vegetal, from the vegetal to the insect, 从
insect to man, and from the man to God.” At the same time, the only
useful science for man was the one that served the interest of the republic
(Echeverría 1874, PP. 168–9). Democracy was possible because of the sup-
port of politics, 哲学, 科学, religion, 艺术, and industry, 全部
elements that developed “naturally, harmonically, and completely” to solve
“the problem of the emancipation of the American spirit.” Philosophy was
“the eye of intelligence” that examined and interpreted “the laws that
ruled and organized the physical and moral world, or the universe”;
religion was the “moral foundation in which society rested,” the “pure
source of our future hopes, and the mystical scale from where the earth’s
thoughts reach heaven”; science taught “man to know himself, to penetrate
the mysteries of nature, raise his thought to the Creator, and to ﬁnd the
means to improve and perfect the individual and the society”; and art com-
prised “in its divine inspirations all the moral and affective elements of
humanity” (Echeverría 1874, p. 169). 很明显，, for Echeverría, 阿梅尔-
ica was not the material organism that limited progress defended by Rosas,
but a spirit that developed into matter through democracy.

Echeverría merged science, literature and art through a sensibility that
made the female the representation of modernity. His poetry is a clear example
of this attitude. In the poem “La Cautiva,” he describes a couple, Maria and
Brian, who ended up trapped by the Indians in the Argentine desert. This text
starts with a quote of Lord Byron that clearly indicates the gender tone of the
whole poem. “Female hearts are such a genial soil / For kinder feelings,
whatsoe’er their nation, / They naturally pour the “wine and oil” / Samaritans
in every situation” (1870, p. 33). As Susana Rotker has written, the poem
shows that the country and civilization are “in the hands of this woman
who more than a wife seems the protective mother of her debilitated husband”
(2002, p. 89). It is for this reason that what were considered male character-
istics are shared by both men and women. While Brian is described as having a
“virile face” [rostro varonil], María is characterized as possessing “male
strength” [Fortaleza varonil] together with youth and beauty (Echeverría
1870, PP. 106, 131). The relation between the protagonists is a perfect
example of the vitalist idea of gender mentioned above, and that those like
Echeverría took from romantic sources. It produced the same effects in German
authors, and the scholar Anne-Charlott Trepp characterized the result of this
understanding of gender as “tender masculinity and self-reliant femininity”
(quoted by Reill 2014, p. 72). Brian’s sensibility made him a tender and fragile
特点, while María’s conﬁdence and strength balanced their relationship.

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In front of this understanding of gender, Rosas appeared as a Hobbesian
defender of a state of nature that negated the feminine presence. The latter
was also represented in the association between the culture of civilization
and femininity that could be found in the German and English texts that
this generation read, even in French positivist sources. Auguste Comte, 为了
例子, believed that his own philosophical ideas had more afﬁnity to
women than to men of the working classes (1865, p. 223). In the process
of ﬁghting the old political system, Comte noticed that the female image
represented all the values he was defending. As a representation of the
“purest and simplest impersonation of Humanity” femininity served the
purpose of embodying a different order that was an alternative to continuity
and blood. It is for this reason that Humanity “can never be adequately
represented in any masculine form” (1865, p. 224). This feeling was shared
by those who defended the new sensibility based on the development of
科学, 文学, and the arts.

A good example of this attempt to promote a culture of feminization
was the publication, on November 18, 1837, of the ﬁrst issue of La Moda
[The Fashion]. Alberdi had been preparing this new project together with
Rafael Corvalán, the son of a man who worked in the Rosas administration.
It followed the example of the genres that evolved in France after the
revolution of 1830, the journal of modes and moeurs. Magazines “such as
La Mode (1829–54) and Psyche (1835–78) provided detailed accounts of
the latest trends in fashion and toilette” (Bergman-Carton 1995, p. 30).
The purpose of these publications was to nurture “the cult of the female
consumerism that reached its full maturity during the Second Empire
and cultivated interest among middle-class women in a new preoccupation:
obsessive self-adornment” (Bergman-Carton 1995, p. 30). Using this
模型, Alberdi developed a publication that intended something different,
the resurrection of the liberal male sensibility associated with science to
oppose the masculinist and materialist power of Rosas. In La Moda, Alberdi
restored the past culture that linked sentimentalism, 启示, 和
social transformation. He knowingly adopted a feminine role in front of the
manly model associated with primitive nature that characterized Rosas’s
political organization according to liberals.

In “The Present Generation versus the Past Generation,” Alberdi
mocked the criticism the liberal youth received from Rosas and his
followers. The traditional associations of passivity and femininity are voiced
by the story’s protagonist, an old man identiﬁed with conservative, Rosist,
价值观. For him the young admirers of Europe were “cowards who instead of
weapons seek shields: insolent as women and children when a strange force
protects their impotence,“ 还, “[w]eak hypocrites full of greatness in their
mouths and languor in their hands!” (1887, p. 386). La Moda stopped

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科学观点

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publishing after 23 问题, the last in April 1838. According to Doris
索默, this fashion magazine “was correctly suspected of fronting for
the unmanly Europeanized ‘fops’; it was a coy screen in both senses of
hiding and showing, a womanly voice as the men’s public organ.” Moreover,
according to Sommer, “Alberdi did not hesitate to describe himself as
feminized, although the suggestion of homosexuality would have been an
outrage.” (1991, p. 88). Rosas’s violent repression against the youth that
had revived the ideology of the past, and established alliances with foreign
权力, increased after their political statements. 之间 1838 和 1840,
the members of this association went into exile to begin a new stage in their
struggle to the form the direction their nation ought to take. Their departure
from the country reafﬁrmed Rosas’s belief that they were youths without
honor, valor, or patriotism, an accusation that would be the central theme
of the exchanges between factions opposed to and within the exile community.

The Rape of the Civilization and Science

4.
As it was mentioned, 在 1845 Darwin revised his previous favorable comment
about Rosas with a comment that repudiated his political system. Darwin
knew the stories coming from the exiled community that characterized the
“tyrant” as the enemy of civilization and science. 例如, in a text
published in English in Montevideo, the main center of the exile community,
it was claimed that Rosas was “at times the self-avowed enemy of civilization
and of her twin-sister commerce” (Rosas, and Some 1844, p. 6). A pamphlet
written by Florencio Varela in the same city also reached a wide audience
and inﬂuenced the opinion the liberals spread about Rosas. In an article
published in the United States, Varela’s words were cited, including his
description of the goals of the dictatorship, described as being the “annihila-
tion of every germ of morality, civilization and intellectual advancement,“ 作为
demonstrated by the end of the government’s support for the “literary, 科学-
tiﬁc and humane institutions” that had been established “and liberally main-
tained” by the previous administration” (Jenkins 1846, p. 161). 一起
with this destruction of civilization, frightful “tortures have been inﬂicted
upon those who have fallen into the hands of the sanguinary tyrant,” and were
being reported both in the Americas and Europe. 例如, “the noble and
fearless O’Brien” was spreading word of the crimes in England, and the “voice
of the companion in arms of the brave and illustrious Lord Cochran” was also
being heard (Jenkins 1846, p. 161). The denunciations of the violent attacks
reproduced the existent gendered dynamic, since the victims were those who
symbolized civilization: the women and feminized men who were victims of
the “Mazorca,” Rosas’s secret police.

在 1842, Pedro C. Avila, an alleged member of this organization, 酒吧-
lished a book in Lima, 秘鲁, denouncing the governor of Buenos Aires, 和

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requesting foreign intervention to end a system of oppression that was at
the service of the most barbaric forces. As a close witness of the events,
Avila presented himself as a privileged commentator of the disgraceful
situation in which Argentina had fallen. The members of the Mazorca,
confused in the alcohol infused stupor that accompanied the torture
sessions, heard every night such desperate and scary screaming that “not
only made the house trembled, but also the entire neighborhood,” a scene
so disturbing that it led to the terror that dominated the whole city (Avila
1847, p. 94). “The painful moans of the beautiful sex arrived to heaven,”
but the carnage continued. One day a father was beheaded while embracing
his six daughters, and once he was dead the secret police started to “kiss
them on the head,” ending the abuse by “raping them all” and destroying
their home so they did not even have a place to sleep (Avila 1847, p. 22).
The popular rabble that participated in such acts took great pleasure in
the sexual violence against women and men of the best families. In another
incident, this time in the city of Cordoba, three small children were
kidnapped and a ransom sent to the families. After the three mothers,
all belonging to the best of society, had gathered all the money they could
找到, they begged for the freedom of their sons. But instead of seeing their
孩子们, they were raped and then shown the heads of their children
“dripping blood and still moving,” a spectacle so shocking that killed
the mothers on the spot. The bosses then started laughing and “tied up
the heads [of the children] to their mother’s braids” (Avila 1847, p. 25).
Avila makes clear that the dishonor of women who belonged to Unitarian
families was part of a political strategy to terrorize society. Rosas gave his
supporters permission to “rape the women that were known to be Unitarians.”
The author makes clear that he does not want to mention “the considerable
number of people that had been raped because many of them are still alive,”
and also out of consideration for the families of those who had died, “among
them Miss Dolores Amaral, one of the most interesting young women of
Buenos Aires” (Avila 1847, p. 26).

The men of sensibility were the other popular target of Rosas’s supporters.
Avila described an order given to three hundred men “to get out to the streets
with the sticks [vergas]” to hit “everyone who wears a frac, leva, or cape”
(Avila 1847, p. 27). After a horriﬁc beating session, the clothes were cut with
a knife to change their symbolic meaning. A hole in a cape made it into a
“poncho,” a native piece of clothing that reﬂected the American values
defended by Rosas. On another occasion the secret police received an order
to beat up “everyone who we found without the red vest, 没有
moustache, or whoever was wearing some blue or green piece of clothing,
without exception of age, sex or marital status” (Avila 1847, p. 28). 其他
was to shave anyone who had a beard shaped into a U, the symbol of the

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335

hated enemy. A manly culture of authenticity, associated with domination
over femininity, was at odds with the emergence of a male subjectivity
described as passive and dominated by outside inﬂuences. 根据
some of the exile publications, civilized men were also raped by the members
of the secret police, who enjoyed the perverse act.

In the legal case against Rosas, a trial that took place after his defeat in
1852, Emilio Agrelo mentioned that the tyrant used to order “the exter-
mination of all that was civilized: he rejected the moderate and progressive
element in order to substitute it with ignorance and barbarism.” This
attempt to destroy civilization was another crime “that increased the
catalog of those committed by Rosas” (Palumbo, Causa Criminal 1908,
p. 24). In the documents presented by his accusers, Rosas was depicted
as a ﬁgure who controlled the forces of nature against those who wanted
to impose science and reason in the country. The experience created by the
culture of sensibility was impossible in a country dominated by an envi-
ronment deprived from the feminine sphere because of the masculinist
supremacy that Rosas imposed with his rule (Avila 1847, p. 117). Against
this logic, his enemies afﬁrmed the undeniable civilized right to freethinking,
making the campaign to exterminate European ideas and education a crime
against humanity.

结论

5.
This essay analyzed how science and gender were associated among liberals
in the ﬁrst half of the nineteenth-century due to the political context in
which scientiﬁc thought existed in Argentina. Since modern science was
the result of a civilization that was symbolized as feminine, scientiﬁc culture
was gendered. Those who defended the formation of an environment that
developed a republican sensibility, grounded on the study of science and
艺术, adopted a feminized identity that aligned them symbolically as
enemies of Rosas’s conservatism and natural primitivism by the 1830s. 经过
this time, Liberals defended a science associated to a culture of sentiment
that clashed with traditional values. The exaggerations that populated the
exile press identiﬁed the feminine men with the feminine civilization they
defended, which blurred the differences between men’s and women’s roles.
This Argentine liberal interpretation was ridiculed in 1850 by Pedro de
Angelis, Rosas’ defender and promoter, who included in his Archivo
Americano an article written by the socialist Paul-Mathieu Laurent (还
known as Laurent de l’Ardèche) published in the French journal République
on January 8 the same year. In it appeared a defense of Rosas’s authority as
truly civilized and the only hope for the development of Argentina.
Laurent was a historian and journalist, and an active participant in French
political life as a disciple of Prosper Enfantin and a Saint-Simonian. 在这个

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article he attempted to contradict the view that those Argentines in exile
presented of themselves through their political propaganda. 根据
Laurent, the Unitarians who supported French ideas represented “the
metropolitan element, the ancient colonial spirit, the predomination of
the old world over the new, of the cities over the country districts, 的
the rich or privileged classes over the laborious masses, of speculation
and foreign capital over native industry” (1850, p. 1). While Laurent’s
attack was related to French politics, and speciﬁcally the monarchy’s
involvement in the River Plate War, the use of this article by Rosas
intended to show him in the role of the true civilizer.

It was somewhat inconsistent, that a Republic where the federal
American party had an immense majority in its favour, should be
governed by a man [Rivadavia] who represented in the highest degree
the unitarian spirit, and the European genius. The noble qualities of
this man justiﬁed this anomaly for a moment; but sound reasoning
speedily recovered its ascendency. Rivadavia, besieged by popular
clamours, had to abandon the reins of the Argentine State, 和他的
withdrawal served to demonstrate two things: 1. that the real civilizer
is he who only attempts to realize the progress which is immediately
practicable, and who only undertakes reforms proportionate to the
gradual development of the necessities and faculties of a community;
2. that Unitarianism and European preponderance were in such
disrepute in South America, that no human power could mantain
or cave them, not even that of knowledge and of virtue. (Laurent
1850, p. 8)

Presenting Rosas as an ally of civilization, and the Unitarians/Liberals as
partners of the old regime that attacked modern republics and part of a
corrupt youth, the article justifies Rosas’s reticence to craft a constitution
because of his concern for natural and local developments. Culture could
not trump nature in the development of the republic.

The dictatorship ended in 1852, a year in which the liberal ascendancy
ﬁnally imposed its rule, but by 1870 the beginning of the Darwinian
revolution in the country started to put in doubt liberals’ gendered views.
At the beginning, those who embraced this new version of modern science
recognized in sexual selection the possibility to perpetuate their views on
the importance of a feminized social culture that relied on aesthetics; 但
by the 1880s this mechanism was not taken seriously among scientists and
the dominance of natural selection started to be seen as too close to Rosas’s
ideological conception of the republic. Since the dominance of the new
scientiﬁc culture imposed a view of nation building aligned to a slow
organic process that paced change as internal and not dominated by the

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科学观点

337

external or artiﬁcial environments, social sciences seemed to be subordinated
to biological process. 此外, the emphasis on competition and survival
supported a more masculinist conception of gender that ridiculed the
support of a culture driven by love, 美丽, and unselﬁshness, an important
factor in the shift that liberal thought experienced in what is so-called the
“generación del ‘80.” It is during this decade that the ideas about sensibility
and gender entered a crisis that ended with the adoption of spiritualism and
nationalism by the beginning of the twentieth century.

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