Reclaiming Representations & Interrupting - 麻省理工学院人工智能研究专业

Reclaiming Representations & Interrupting
the Cycle of Bias Against Native Americans

Arianne E. Eason, Laura M. 布雷迪 & Stephanie A. Fryberg

抽象的: The most widely accessible ideas and representations of Native Americans are largely negative, 一个-
tiquated, and limiting. 在这篇文章中, we examine how the prevalence of such representations and a compar-
ative lack of positive contemporary representations foster a cycle of bias that perpetuates disparities among
Native Americans and other populations. By focusing on three institutions–the legal system, 媒体,
and education–we illustrate how the same process that creates disparate outcomes can be leveraged to pro-
mote positive contemporary ideas and representations of Native Americans, thereby creating more equita-
ble outcomes. We also highlight the actions some contemporary Native Americans have taken to reclaim
their Native American identity and create accurate ideas and representations of who Native Americans are
and what they can become. These actions provide a blueprint for leveraging cultural change to interrupt the
cycle of bias and to reduce the disparities Native Americans face in society.

What white people see when they look at you is not vis-
ible. What they do see when they do look at you is what
they have invested you with. . . . To survive this, you have
to really dig down into yourself and recreate yourself, 关于-
盟友, according to no image which yet exists in America.
You have to impose who you are, and force the world to
deal with you, not with its idea of you.

–James Baldwin
The Last Interview and Other Conversations1

When you think about the most accessible repre-

sentations of Native Americans in the United States,
what comes to mind? You might conjure historical
representations of buckskin-wearing, teepee-dwell-
ing people with feathers, or contemporary images of
impoverished, drug-abusing, uneducated people.2
Such negative, 限制, and inaccurate representa-
tions are widely accessible in the United States. 现在,
take a moment to think about what it means to be suc-

arianne e. eason is a Ph.D.
candidate in Psychology at the
华盛顿大学.

laura m. brady is a Research
Associate in the Department of
Psychology at the University of
华盛顿.

stephanie a. fryberg is Asso-
ciate Professor in the Department
of Psychology and the Department
of American Indian Studies at the
华盛顿大学.

(Complete author biographies appear
at the end of the essay.)

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

成功的. You might think of someone who
is highly educated, with a lucrative career
in law, entertainment, 教育, or some
other field. Do the aforementioned repre-
sentations of Native Americans align with
this image of success? How do you think
these representations affect the way Native
Americans are viewed and treated in conse-
quential domains such as the legal system,
媒体, 和教育?

Social scientists largely agree that being
human is a social project; people are shaped
by the individuals around them and the cul-
tural context in which they live.3 The domi-
nant culture provides ideas, 信仰, 并作为-
sumptions about what it means to be a per-
son or a member of a group and, 像这样,
offers a schema for understanding both
oneself and others.4 For Native Americans,
the most widely accessible ideas about their
团体, as well as the representations that
stem from them, are not harmless misun-
derstandings or overgeneralizations. 作为
Baldwin’s quote highlights, White Ameri-
can institutions and individuals have over-
whelmingly created and defined prevalent
representations of racial minority groups,
including Native peoples.5 The resulting
representations reflect negative, inaccurate
ideas about Native Americans while ignor-
ing positive, accurate ideas. Consequent-
莱, biased understandings of how contem-
porary Native Americans look, 声音, 和
behave permeate U.S. 社会. We contend
that biased ideas and representations of Na-
tive Americans–particularly the scarcity of
积极的, accurate, and contemporary ideas
and representations–constitute the mod-
ern form of bias against Native Americans
and perpetuate a recursive cycle of low ex-
pectations, prejudice, and discrimination
that reinforces disparities in domains from
public health to education.

Breaking this cycle, as Baldwin contends,
requires that new ideas and representations
defined by Native American people accu-
rately reflect who and what Native people

是, not who others imagine them to be. 我们
draw upon the culture cycle framework to
describe how ideas and representations of
Native Americans become embedded in the
social fabric (那是, within institutions, 在-
teractions, and individuals) and provide a
roadmap for change. 第一的, we highlight
how widely accessible ideas and represen-
tations about Native Americans fuel a cy-
cle of bias and create disparate outcomes,
specifically in the legal system, 媒体,
和教育. 第二, we call attention to
actions of Native American tribes and in-
dividuals that have reshaped U.S. 文化
and promoted more equitable outcomes
for contemporary and future Native peo-
普莱. We end with a discussion of how both
Native and non-Native people can leverage
cultural change to break the cycle of bias
against Native peoples.

The culture cycle describes the relation be-

tween the surrounding cultural context and
individuals’ thoughts, 情怀, and behav-
iors. Four levels of culture–ideas, institu-
系统蒸发散, 互动, and individuals–work to-
gether in a mutually constitutive manner
to shape and reinforce social and cultural
outcomes.6 The highest level of the culture
cycle includes ideas, such as social, 政治-
卡尔, and economic histories, assumptions,
and norms. These ideas include under-
standings of how to be a “good” or “mor-
al” individual, stereotypes that shape ex-
pectations of group members, and the val-
ue placed on different ways of knowing or
engaging with the world. Institutions include
法律体系, 媒体, and the educa-
tion system. The practices, 政策, struc-
特雷斯, and products of institutions reflect
prevalent cultural ideas. 例如, 这
legal system sanctions individuals who vio-
late ideas about “good” and “moral” behav-
ior, and the media produces movies, 图书,
and news reports that reflect and reify cul-
tural ideas. Institutional practices and pol-
icies in turn provide scripts and norms that

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

147 (2) Spring 2018Eason, 布雷迪 & Fryberg

shape everyday interactions among people,
机构, and cultural products. Final-
莱, ideas, 机构, and interactions all
shape the thoughts, 情怀, and behav-
iors of individuals. When individual behav-
ior aligns with cultural influences, it rein-
forces the culture cycle; when behavior does
not align, it pushes back in subtle and not-
so-subtle ways against the dominant cultur-
al ideas and reconstitutes the culture cycle.
While conversations about disparities
focus on how individuals’ characteristics–
such as race, 性别, or social class–re-
late to outcomes, the culture cycle frame-
work highlights the importance of consid-
ering the role of the entire cultural system in
perpetuating and alleviating disparate out-
comes for Native Americans. In the next
three sections, we highlight the mutual con-
stitution of cultural ideas, 机构, 在-
teractions, and individuals by focusing on
法律体系, 媒体, 和教育.
These institutions reflect and foster a core
set of negative and limited ideas about Na-
tive people that can lead influential indi-
viduals–for example, 政治家, 法官,
律师, and educators–to lower expecta-
tions and ultimately bring about the exact
same disparate outcomes society has come
to expect of this group. 最后, we discuss
the steps Native American individuals and
communities have taken to create more ac-
curate and positive cultural ideas of their
团体, and how these actions reverberate
throughout the culture cycle to promote
more equitable outcomes, both today and
in the future.

In historic and contemporary legal policy

and practice, Native Americans have been
represented as “uncivilized,” incapable of
behaving according to mainstream Amer-
ican norms.7 For example, 直到 1975
Indian Self-Determination and Education
Assistance Act was passed, federal poli-
cies treated Native Americans as “wards
of the government” and prevented Na-

tive American communities from making
their own decisions about health care, 编辑-
教育, and governance. 相似地, feder-
al laws have restricted tribes’ control over
policing Native American communities;
and federal agencies, such as the Bureau of
Indian Affairs, have failed to provide ade-
quate funding to keep Native communities
safe.8 On one hand, restricting tribal con-
trol over law enforcement reifies the notion
that Native Americans are incapable of po-
licing their own communities.9 On the oth-
er hand, federal and state governments’ fail-
ure to provide sufficient resources to Native
communities causes the negative outcomes
expected to arise from Native Americans’
supposed inability to police themselves,
thus reinforcing harmful stereotypes.

Biased institutional understandings of
Native people also impact law enforcement
officers’ interactions with Native people
和, 最终, Native peoples’ outcomes
within the legal system. 例如, 在-
teractions with law enforcement are more
likely to end in the use of deadly force for
Native Americans than for any other racial
group relative to population size.10 A study
of Native American individuals from sev-
en states and eight tribal nations revealed
that even when interactions with police do
not lead to violence, police often use racial
slurs or derogatory language.11 Courtroom
interactions are similarly biased; 为了考试-
普莱, Native youth are 30 percent more like-
ly than White youth to be referred to juve-
nile court rather than having their charges
dropped.12 Given these outcomes, Native
Americans report being reluctant to turn to
the legal system when they need help be-
cause they believe that law enforcement
will not take their complaints seriously or
intervene when they are in danger.13 In-
teractions between Native Americans and
the legal system not only perpetuate dis-
相信, but also promote racial disparities
that undermine Native peoples’ well-be-
ing and livelihood.14

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

代达罗斯, 美国艺术学院学报 & SciencesReclaiming Representa-tions & Inter-rupting the Cycle of Bias Against Native Americans

Construing Native people through a neg-
ative and limiting lens–as unable to gov-
ern themselves or as “uncivilized”–fur-
ther justifies the perpetuation of disparate
outcomes for Native Americans interact-
ing with the legal system. The underlying
assumption of these negative and limiting
ideas is that anything non-Native legal insti-
tutions do on behalf of Native Americans is
better than what Native people could have
done on their own. According to this logic,
in spite of Native Americans’ disparate out-
comes in the legal system relative to other
团体, changes do not need to occur be-
cause Native people are still better off than
they would be if they were governing them-
自己. Yet such a biased and inaccurate
view of Native people in the legal system
obscures the fact that Native people have
long governed themselves and worked to
alleviate the disparate outcomes they face
in the American legal system. 根据
to the National American Indian Court
Judge Association, 93 percent of federally
and state-recognized tribes have their own
tribal justice systems.15 Furthermore, Na-
tive American individuals and communities
have long utilized Indian law to advocate for
their well-being and to challenge federal
and state laws. Two such examples include
the Indian Child Welfare Act (icwa) 和
the Violence Against Women Act (vawa).
icwa,which passed in 1978, gives Native
American tribes jurisdiction over child wel-
fare cases involving Native children. 从
1969–1974, 美国. government separated
25–35 percent of all Native children from
their families and placed them in foster
homes, adoptive homes, 或机构. A
majority (85 百分) of these children were
placed in non-Native homes even when Na-
tive homes were available, reflecting the
bias that Native Americans are incapable
of raising their own children.16 The Asso-
ciation on American Indian Affairs con-
ducted surveys in states with large Native
American populations to understand why

so many Native children were removed.
These surveys revealed that many chil-
dren were removed not because of abuse
or neglect, but because their families prac-
ticed communal childrearing. Communal
childrearing is normative in Native Amer-
ican communities, but it conflicts with the
nuclear family model of childrearing that
prevails in White, middle-class contexts.17
因此, the research affirmed that the remov-
al of Native children was fueled by cultural
bias against Native ways of being.

By giving tribes control over child wel-
fare cases, icwa directly challenged neg-
ative beliefs about Natives’ ability to care
for their own children and changed how
美国. government intervened in these
案例. Following icwa, the number of Na-
tive children placed in foster care or adop-
tion between 1978 和 1986 decreased sig-
nificantly.18 icwa’s passage set the stage
for Native tribes nationwide to build child
welfare agencies that keep Native families
and communities together.19 By challeng-
ing biased understandings of Native fam-
ilies and ways of being, icwa and the Na-
tive individuals, 组织, 和com-
munities that were essential to its passing
improved both disparate child welfare out-
comes and relationships among tribal gov-
政府, Native parents, Native children,
and federal and state governments.

Just as icwa was a direct response to the
disproportionate removal of Native Ameri-
can children from their families, 这 2013 关于-
authorization of vawa came as a direct re-
sponse to the disproportionate rates of vio-
lence experienced by Native women at the
hands of non-Native men. Approximately
56 percent of Native American women re-
port experiencing sexual violence in their
寿命, 和 96 percent of these women re-
port sexual assault by a non-Native man.20
Native women are the only ethnic group
more likely to be assaulted by a male of a dif-
ferent ethnicity than by a male of the same
ethnicity.21 Prior to vawa, federal and/or

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

147 (2) Spring 2018Eason, 布雷迪 & Fryberg

state governments had jurisdiction over
cases involving non-Native men assaulting
Native women on reservations. Despite this
jurisdiction, law enforcement agencies and
prosecutors failed to investigate or litigate
many cases involving non-Native individ-
乌尔斯, leaving perpetrators free to reoffend
and victims without justice.22 While rates
of reporting and litigating against sexual as-
sault perpetrators are low regardless of vic-
tim demographics, people of color, and Na-
tive American women in particular, face ad-
ditional barriers rooted in racial bias.23 Like
many people of color, Native women are
perceived as less worthy of protection than
White women:24 as recently as 1968, a fed-
eral appellate court upheld a statute that re-
duced sentencing for rape cases involving
Native American women.25 Furthermore,
prosecutors often take Native women’s
sexual assault claims less seriously, assum-
ing that Native victims were under the in-
fluence (in accordance with the stereotype
of Native Americans as drunks), 制作
it less likely that litigation will proceed.26
在 2015, after a decade of Native American
grassroots efforts and advocacy, 国会
added a provision to vawa granting tribes
jurisdiction over cases of intimate partner
violence involving non-Native individu-
als on reservations. Once vawa passed, A
pilot project gave three tribes early juris-
措辞. In the span of seventeen months,
these tribes charged a total of twenty-six
offenders.27 While advocates are seeking
to expand vawa protections to other types
暴力的, this legislation stands as an ex-
ample of Native communities working to
address the needs of their people and im-
proving their outcomes by assuming con-
trol over their own legal processes.

icwa and vawa demonstrate how Native
tribes have pushed back against biased le-
gal policies and practices to better protect
and serve their communities, thereby im-
proving their lives in contemporary soci-
埃蒂. 尤其, there is a direct relation-

ship between the number of self-determin-
ing actions a tribal community takes and
the community’s mental health. Specifi-
卡莉, First Nations bands (the Native peo-
ple of Canada) who enacted more self-de-
termining practices that reflected their cul-
tural histories and values, such as making
claims to traditional lands or taking com-
munity control over education and health
服务, had lower suicide rates than bands
who enacted fewer self-determining prac-
tices.28 The legal system’s biased under-
standing and paternalistic treatment of Na-
tive Americans undermines equitable out-
comes for Native American individuals and
社区. 重要的, these outcomes
are not predetermined or rooted in Native
Americans’ “inadequacies”; when Natives
challenge biased legislation and self-gov-
ern, Native communities flourish.

The institution most responsible for cre-

ating and transmitting biased represen-
tations is the media. Psychologist Peter
Leavitt and colleagues, 例如, 考试-
ined the content that emerged from search
engine queries for the terms “Native Amer-
ican” or “American Indian.”29 Ninety-five
percent of Google results and 99 的百分比
Bing results included antiquated portraits
of Native American people in traditional
clothing and feathers; contemporary im-
ages of Native Americans were scant. 铝-
though inaccurate, these antiquated imag-
es remain prevalent because people con-
tinue to consume them, so search engine
algorithms continue to present them as val-
id representations of Native Americans.30
Biased and inaccurate representations
of Native Americans also persist in televi-
锡安, film, and advertising. While contem-
porary members of other racial groups are
by and large represented, Native Amer-
icans are largely omitted.31 From 1987–
2008, only three Native American charac-
ters were featured on primetime television
(在......之外 2,336 characters).32 On the rare oc-

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

代达罗斯, 美国艺术学院学报 & SciencesReclaiming Representa-tions & Inter-rupting the Cycle of Bias Against Native Americans

casion that Native Americans are represent-
ed in mainstream media, they often appear
in stereotypical roles (such as the casino In-
甸, “Indian Princess,” or drunken Indi-
一个) or in secondary roles lacking character
development.33 Individuals responsible for
creating new media representations, 这样的
as casting agents or directors, often reify
the invisibility of contemporary Native
peoples by passing over Native actors for
roles that are “unrealistic” based on stereo-
types about Native Americans (为了考试-
普莱, by not casting Native people as doctors
or lawyers).34 While there is great variabil-
ity in how Native Americans look, speak,
and act, Natives who do not fit a narrow,
prototypical image of a Native American
are often excluded from roles intended for
Natives.35 The lack of positive and accurate
contemporary representations denies Na-
tive Americans’ continued existence and
literally and figuratively writes them out
of contemporary life.

Widely available media representations of
Native Americans carry significant conse-
序列, as they undermine Native Ameri-
cans’ psychological well-being and hopes for
future success. 例如, Stephanie Fry-
berg and colleagues demonstrated through
multiple studies that negative stereotypes of
Native Americans and sports mascots such
as the Cleveland Indians’ Chief Wahoo de-
pressed Native Americans’ self-esteem, 的-
creased perceptions of their Native commu-
nity’s worth, and made them less likely to
envision successful futures (such as earning
good grades, finding a job, or completing a
程度).36 Such representations set in mo-
tion a self-fulfilling prophecy that renders
Native American accomplishments invisi-
布莱, hindering Native people from imagin-
ing and pursuing their own successful fu-
tures.37 While harmful for Native Ameri-
罐头, these biased representations have a
positive impact on White individuals, 哪个
may exacerbate intergroup tensions and dis-
parate outcomes. After exposure to widely

available representations of Native people,
European American participants reported
boosts in self-esteem and greater feelings of
connection to their racial group. 这俩
negative effects of Native Americans and the
positive effects for Whites at the expense of
Native Americans suggest that it is critical to
promote positive, contemporary represen-
tations of Native Americans that accurately
reflect who Native people are and what they
are capable of achieving. Breaking the cycle
of discrimination and disparities in resourc-
es and achievement requires taking control
of how Native people are portrayed both to
the outside world and within Native com-
munities themselves.

Although non-Native individuals creat-
ed many of the prevalent representations of
Native Americans, Native people are work-
ing to recreate representations that accu-
rately reflect contemporary Native Ameri-
罐头. 例如, 在 2012, Matika Wilbur,
a Swinomish and Tulalip photographer,
launched Project 562, which aims to pho-
tograph members of all 562 federally rec-
ognized tribes. 迄今为止, Wilbur has photo-
graphed members of four hundred tribes.
Wilbur’s photos depict Native people of all
ages in both urban and rural settings, wear-
ing contemporary Western and tribally ap-
propriate traditional clothing. Unlike twen-
tieth-century photographer Edward Curtis,
who is responsible for many of the antiquat-
ed images of Native Americans that prevail
今天, Wilbur collaborates with her Native
American subjects. She presents contempo-
rary Native Americans in positive, contem-
porary ways that counter the systemic ex-
clusion that characterizes the modern form
of bias against Native people.38

Similar video campaigns (including Buzz-
feed’s “I’m Native, but I’m Not . . . ” and Ar-
izona State University’s “Native 101”) 和
websites (WeRNative.org) showcase Native
Americans resisting negative cultural ideas
and offering more positive contemporary
representations of Native people.39 Native-

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

147 (2) Spring 2018Eason, 布雷迪 & Fryberg

defined representations offer accurate, nu-
anced understandings of Native Americans
that have always existed but have been ob-
scured by biased portrayals created by
non-Natives. As accurate images of Native
Americans take hold, they have the power
to challenge harmful stereotypes and ideas
about Native Americans and illustrate what
is possible for them, breaking the cycle of
bias and disparate outcomes.

For a final example of how negative cul-

tural ideas and representations of Native
Americans perpetuate a cycle of bias and
差异, we turn to the education sys-
TEM. 在美国, education is of-
ten viewed as the key to upward social mo-
bility and “a better life.” Yet, just as in the
legal system and the media, biased ideas
about and representations of Native Amer-
icans limit Native students’ opportunities
and outcomes. For centuries, Native Amer-
icans have been portrayed as intellectually
inferior and Native ways of knowing have
been viewed as incorrect and incompatible
with mainstream U.S. 教育. Federal
寄宿学校, in which Native children
were forcibly enrolled throughout the nine-
teenth and early twentieth centuries, aimed
to eliminate Native cultures and languages
and acculturate Native children into White
社会. Although this explicitly assimila-
tionist agenda has faded, many of its ideas
prevail within the education system today.
Research reveals, 例如, that Native
students are often perceived to struggle or to
be “problem” students.40 School curricula
also fail to incorporate–and sometimes ac-
tively exclude–Native Americans’ cultural
history and practices from the learning en-
环境, as these histories and practices
are deemed irrelevant to the goals of main-
stream education.41

Negative and limiting ideas and represen-
tations influence interactions between ed-
ucators and Native students and contrib-
ute to Natives’ disparate outcomes. 对于前-

充足, compared with White students with
equivalent test scores and grades, 教师
are less likely to recommend Native stu-
dents for advanced coursework.42 Native
students are also suspended at more than
twice the rate of White students.43 These in-
accurate and biased understandings of what
is possible for Native students systemati-
cally deprive them of the ability to engage
with and succeed within a system intended
to foster opportunities for upward mobility.
Changing the way Native students are
understood and treated within educational
institutions can break the cycle of bias and
alleviate educational disparities. 考试用-
普莱, Stephanie Fryberg, Rebecca Covarru-
bias, and Jacob Burack describe an inter-
vention in a predominantly Native Amer-
ican school that resulted in an 18 百分
increase in the number of Native students
who met state performance standards.44
Teachers were taught about Native cul-
tural ways of being, and school guidelines
and routines were created to validate Na-
tive American cultures. Each school day
began with a welcome assembly that in-
cluded a tribal song and dance and a cul-
turally relevant welcome message. 什么时候
the intervention began, the school ranked
in the bottom 5 percent of schools in the
状态, and much like the state and national
pattern for the past forty years, there were
no notable positive changes among Native
students.45 However, during the interven-
的, Native students improved immense-
莱, showing growth on the Measures of Ac-
ademic Progress (map) test at a rate of 1
到 1.5 years’ advancement in half a school
年. This intervention revealed that school
culture was the problem, not Native stu-
凹痕: Native students thrive when their
ways of knowing and being are validated
in educational contexts and when they are
seen as having potential. Creating more ac-
curate representations–and thus under-
standings–of Native students paved the
way for their success.

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

代达罗斯, 美国艺术学院学报 & SciencesReclaiming Representa-tions & Inter-rupting the Cycle of Bias Against Native Americans

The culture cycle framework demon-

strates the power of cultural ideas and
representations in shaping Native Ameri-
cans’ experiences. Prevailing harmful and
limiting ideas and representations of Na-
tive Americans fuel a cycle of bias and rein-
force disparate outcomes for Native people.
These ideas and representations shape the
policies and practices of consequential so-
cial institutions, promote low expectations
for Native people that influence their inter-
actions with non-Natives, and limit what
both Native and non-Native individuals
believe is possible for Native Americans.
In addition to the prevalence of harmful
and antiquated ideas and representations
about their group, Native Americans also
contend with the systematic exclusion of
积极的, contemporary ideas and represen-
tations. 最后, Native Americans
are effectively written out of contemporary
存在, which creates barriers to their
well-being and success. 因此, the mod-
ern form of bias against Native Americans
includes not only negative ideas and repre-
句子, but also the omission of posi-
主动的, multidimensional ideas and represen-
tations of their group.46

Breaking this cycle requires challenging
derogatory ideas and representations and
还, as James Baldwin suggests, infusing
the broader cultural context with more ac-
curate contemporary representations de-
fined by Native people themselves. The cul-
ture cycle framework can be leveraged to
reclaim what it means to be Native Amer-
ican and promote equity. 的确, Native
people and communities have already be-
gun harnessing this power for change. 作为
we have shown, their actions in key insti-
tutions have brought light to positive, nu-
anced understandings of Native Americans
as they live today and have challenged an-
tiquated, biased representations. As Native
Americans and their allies continue fight-
ing systemic exclusion and bias, 我们必须
ensure that targeted action is implemented

at each level of the culture cycle. The ideas
and representations put forth must reflect
Native Americans’ knowledge of who they
are and what they are capable of achieving.
While it is essential for Native individ-
uals and communities to have a voice in
creating accurate representations of Na-
tive Americans, the onus for changing the
culture cycle does not rest solely on Native
美国人. Non-Native individuals and in-
stitutions must also actively foster cultural
改变. For White individuals specifical-
莱, this responsibility necessitates acknowl-
edging the legacy of building and benefiting
from a cultural system that has intentional-
ly misunderstood and devalued Native peo-
ple and ways of life and attempted to thwart
Natives’ well-being and, in many respects,
their very existence. 像这样, the dominant
institutions must ensure that their practic-
英语, 政策, and products set the stage for
positive and equitable interactions with
Native American individuals and commu-
实体. 更普遍, this responsibility
hinges on a commitment to building a more
equitable system that uplifts people from all
backgrounds and allows all people to un-
derstand and recognize the needs, voices,
and contributions of communities of color.
As the opening quote suggests, Native
Americans are living within a cultural sys-
tem that was constructed neither for nor by
他们. By understanding cultural influenc-
es on institutions and individuals, 并由
taking strategic, targeted action to change
biased cultural ideas and representations,
we can reconstitute the culture cycle to re-
flect accurate understandings of who Na-
tive people are and what they can become.
最终, these actions will produce more
equitable outcomes for Native peoples both
in the present and in the future.

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

147 (2) Spring 2018Eason, 布雷迪 & Fryberg

author biographies

arianne e. eason is a Ph.D. candidate in Psychology at the University of Washington.
Her interests lie at the intersection of social and developmental psychology, specifically how
children and adults process environmental information related to race and interracial inter-
行动. Her research has been published in Developmental Psychology, Current Directions in Psy-
chological Science, and Infancy.
laura m. brady is a Research Associate in the Department of Psychology at the Univer-
sity of Washington. She has published in such journals as Current Opinion in Psychology, 杂志
of Experimental Social Psychology, and Journal of Personality and Social Psychology.
stephanie a. fryberg is Associate Professor in the Department of Psychology and the
Department of American Indian Studies at the University of Washington. Her work on repre-
sentations of Native Americans has appeared in Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 杂志
of Social Issues, Basic and Applied Social Psychology, Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology,
and Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 除其他出版物外.

authors’ note

A Ford Foundation Predoctoral Fellowship to Arianne E. Eason, a grant to Stephanie A. Fry-
伯格 & Arianne E. Eason from the First Nations Development Institute and EchoHawk Con-
sulting Firm, and a grant to Stephanie A. Fryberg from the Raikes Foundation supported
work on this essay.

尾注
1 詹姆斯·鲍德温, 詹姆斯·鲍德温: The Last Interview and other Conversations (纽约: Melville House,

2014), 4–5.

2 Walter C. Fleming, “Myths and Stereotypes about Native Americans,” Phi Delta Kappan 88 (3)

(十一月 2006): 213–217.

3 Hazel R. Markus and Maryam G. Hamedani, “Sociocultural Psychology,” in Handbook of Cultural

心理学, 编辑. Shinobu Kitayama and Dov Cohen (纽约: Guilford, 2010).

4 Serge Moscovici, “The Phenomenon of Social Representations,” in Social Representations, 编辑. 右. 中号.
Farr and S. Moscovici (剑桥, 英国: 剑桥大学出版社, 1984),
3–69; and Serge Moscovici, “Notes Towards a Description of Social Representations,” Euro-
pean Journal of Social Psychology 18 (3) (1988): 211–250.

5 In the case of Native Americans, see Robert F. Berkhofer, The White Man’s Indian: Images of the

American Indian from Columbus to the Present (纽约: 阿尔弗雷德·A. 克诺夫, 1978), 96.

6 Hazel R. Markus and Alana Conner, Clash! 8 Cultural Conflicts That Make Us Who We Are (纽约:

Hudson Street Press, 2013).

7 Devon Abbott Mihesuah, 美洲印第安人: Stereotypes & Realities (Gardena, 加利福尼亚州。: scb Distribu-

托尔斯, 2013).

8 Stewart Wakeling, Miriam Jorgensen, Susan Michaelson, and Manley Begay, Policing on Amer-
ican Indian Reservations (Washington D.C.: 国家司法研究所, 我们. Department of
正义, 2001); and United States Commission on Civil Rights, Office of Civil Rights Evalu-
化, A Quiet Crisis: Federal Funding and Unmet Needs in Indian Country (华盛顿, 华盛顿特区: 我们.
Commission on Civil Rights, 2003).

9 Rosemary M. Maxey, “Who Can Sit at The Lord’s Table? The Experience of Indigenous Peo-
普莱,” in Native and Christian: Indigenous Voices on Religious Identity in the United States and Canada, 编辑.
James Treat (纽约: 劳特利奇, 2012), 38–50.

10 Mike Males, “Who Are Police Killing?” Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice, 八月 26,

2014, http://www.cjcj.org/news/8113.

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

代达罗斯, 美国艺术学院学报 & SciencesReclaiming Representa-tions & Inter-rupting the Cycle of Bias Against Native Americans

11 Barbara Perry, “Nobody Trusts Them! 在下面- and Over-policing Native American Communi-
领带,” Critical Criminology 14 (4) (十一月 2006): 411–444; and Robynne Neugebauer, “第一的
Nations People and Law Enforcement: Community Perspectives on Police Response,“ 在
Interrogating Social Justice: 政治, Culture and Identity, 编辑. Marilyn Corsianos and Kelly A. Train
(多伦多: Canadian Scholar’s Press, 1999), 247–269.

12 Christopher Hartney, Native American Youth and the Juvenile Justice System (华盛顿, 华盛顿特区: Na-

tional Council on Crime and Delinquency, 2008).

13 See Perry, “Nobody Trusts Them!”; and Neugebauer, “First Nations People and Law Enforce-

”。

14 Barbara Perry, “Impacts of Disparate Policing in Indian Country,” Policing & 社会 19 (3) (2009):

263–281.

15 “National Directory of Tribal Justice Systems,” National American Indian Court Judges Asso-

引文, http://directory.naicja.org/directory (九月访问 15, 2017).

16 Claire Palmiste, “From the Indian Adoption Project to the Indian Child Welfare Act: The Re-

sistance of Native American Communities,” Indigenous Policy Journal 22 (1) (2011): 1–4.

17 人力资源. Rep. 不. 95-1386, 在 10 (1978); and Steven Unger, 编辑。, The Destruction of American Indian Fam-

ilies (纽约: Association on American Indian Affairs, 公司, 1977).

18 Ann E. MacEachron, Nora S. Gustavsson, Suzanne Cross, and Allison Lewis, “The Effectiveness
of the Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978,” Social Service Review 70 (3) (九月 1996): 451–463.
19 Lakota People’s Law Project, “5 Sioux Tribes Applied to Fund Their Own Foster Care Pro-
克,” Indian Country Today, 六月 26, 2014, https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/culture/
health-wellness/5-sioux-tribes-applied-to-fund-their-own-foster-care-programs/.

20 André B. Rosay, Violence Against American Indian and Alaska Native Women and Men: 2010 发现
from the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (Washington D.C.: National Institute
of Justice, 我们. 司法部, 2016).

21 Amnesty International, Maze of Injustice: The Failure to Protect Indigenous Women from Sexual Violence

in the USA (纽约: Amnesty International usa, 2007).

22 同上.
23 同上。; International Indigenous Women’s Forum, Mairin Iwanka Raya: Indigenous Women Stand
Against Violence. A Companion Report to the United Nations Secretary-General’s Study on Violence Against
女性 (Lima, 秘鲁: fimi, 2006); and Sarah Deer, “Toward an Indigenous Jurisprudence of
Rape,” Kansas Journal of Law and Public Policy 14 (2004): 121–154.

24 同上.
25 Gray v. 我们。, 394 F.2d 96, 98 (9th Cir. 1968).
26 Amnesty International, Maze of Injustice.
27 Jennifer Bendery, “At Last, Violence Against Women Act Lets Tribes Prosecute Non-Native Do-
mestic Abusers,” Hu∂ington Post, 行进 6, 2015, http://www.hu∂ingtonpost.com/2015/03/06/
vawa-native-americans_n_6819526.html.

28 迈克尔·J. Chandler and Christopher Lalonde, “Cultural Continuity as a Hedge against Sui-

cide in Canada’s First Nations,” Transcultural Psychiatry 35 (2) (1998): 191–219.

29 彼得·A. Leavitt, Rebecca Covarrubias, Yvonne A. Perez, and Stephanie A. Fryberg, “‘Frozen in
Time’: The Impact of Native American Media Representations on Identity and Self-Under-
常设,” Journal of Social Issues 71 (1) (行进 2015): 39–53.

30 Rand Fishkin, “The State of Searcher Behavior Revealed Through 23 Remarkable Statistics,”

行进 17, 2017, https://moz.com/blog/state-of-searcher-behavior-revealed.

31 Dana E. Mastro and Susannah R. Stern, “Representations of Race in Television Commercials:
A Content Analysis of Prime-Time Advertising,” Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 47 (4)

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

147 (2) Spring 2018Eason, 布雷迪 & Fryberg

(十二月 2003): 638–647; 拉塞尔·K. 罗宾逊, “Casting and Caste-ing: Reconciling Ar-
tistic Freedom and Antidiscrimination Norms,” California Law Review 95 (1) (二月 2007):
1–73; and Riva Tukachinsky, Dana Mastro, and Moran Yarchi, “Documenting Portrayals of
Race/Ethnicity on Primetime Television over a 20-Year Span and Their Association with Na-
tional-Level Racial/Ethnic Attitudes,” Journal of Social Issues 71 (1) (行进 2015): 17–38.
32 Tukachinsky et al., “Documenting Portrayals of Race/Ethnicity on Primetime Television.”
33 Casey R. 凯莉, “Representations of Native Americans in the Mass Media,” Oxford Research Ency-
clopedia of Communication (二月 2017), http://communication.oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/
acrefore/9780190228613.001.0001/acrefore-9780190228613-e-142#acrefore-9780190228613-e
-142-div2-5, 土井:10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.142; and Robinson, “Casting and Caste-
英: Reconciling Artistic Freedom and Antidiscrimination Norms,” 1–73.

34 同上.
35 Hilary N. Weaver, “What Color is Red? Exploring the Implications of Phenotype for Native
美国人,” in The Melanin Millennium: Skin Color as 21st-Century International Discourse, 编辑. Ron-
ald E. 大厅 (多德雷赫特, 荷兰人: 施普林格, 2013), 287–299.

36 Stephanie A. Fryberg, Hazel R. Markus, Daphna Oyserman, and Joseph M. Stone, “Of War-
rior Chiefs and Indian Princesses: The Psychological Consequences of American Indian Mas-
cots,” Basic and Applied Social Psychology 30 (3) (七月 2008): 208–218.

37 Stephanie A. Fryberg and Sarah S. 中号. Townsend, “The Psychology of Invisibility,” in Commem-
orating Brown: The Social Psychology of Racism and Discrimination, 编辑. Glenn Adams, Monica Bier-
纳特, Nyla R. Branscombe, Christian S. Crandall, and Lawrence S. Wrightsman (华盛顿,
华盛顿特区: American Psychological Association, 2008), 173–193.

38 Hilal Isler, “One Woman‘s Mission to Photograph every Native American Tribe in the U.S.,”
The Guardian, 九月 7, 2015, https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/07/
native-american-photographs-matika-wilbur-project-562; Whitney Richardson, “Rejecting Ste-
reotypes, Photographing ‘Real’ Indians,” Lens, 二月 19, 2014, https://lens.blogs.nytimes
.com/2014/02/19/rejecting-stereotypes-photographing-real-indians/?mcubz=1; and Matika
威尔伯, 项目 562, http://www.project562.com.

39 Chris Lam, “I’m Native, but I’m Not . . . ” Buzzfeed, 二月 3, 2016, https://www.buzzfeed
.com/chrislam/im-native-but-im-not?utm_term=.yvERRZyBPe#.py9JJKLdl8; Deanna Dent,
“Native 101,” ASU Now, 十一月 29, 2016, https://asunow.asu.edu/20161129-sun-devil
-life-native-101-asu-students-faculty-bust-stereotypes; and WeRNative, http://www.WeR
Native.org.

40 Stephanie A. Fryberg and Peter A. Leavitt, “A Sociocultural Analysis of High-Risk Native Amer-
ican Children in Schools,” in Cultural and Contextual Perspectives on Developmental Risk and Well-
Being, 编辑. Jacob A. Burack and Louis A. 施密特 (纽约: 剑桥大学出版社, 2014),
57–80; and Katie Johnston-Goodstar and Ross VeLure Roholt, “‘Our Kids Aren’t Dropping
Out; They’re Being Pushed Out’: Native American Students and Racial Microaggressions
in Schools,” Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work 26 (1–2) (一月 2017): 30–47.
41 我们. Commission on Civil Rights, A Quiet Crisis: Federal Funding and Unmet Needs in Indian Country

(华盛顿, 华盛顿特区: 我们. Government Publishing Office, 2003).

42 Claudia Rowe, “Gifted Programs across Washington Leave Out Black and Latino Students–
But Federal Way is One Model for Change,” The Seattle Times, 四月 2, 2017, http://万维网
.seattletimes.com/education-lab/gifted-programs-across-washington-leave-out-black-and
-latino-students-except-in-federal-way/.

43 Rebecca Clarren, “How America is Failing Native American Students,” The Nation, 七月 24, 2017,
https://www.thenation.com/article/left-behind/; 和美国. 教育部, 民用
Rights Data Collection 2011–12 (Washington D.C.: 我们. Government Publishing Office, 2014),
https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/data.html.

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

代达罗斯, 美国艺术学院学报 & SciencesReclaiming Representa-tions & Inter-rupting the Cycle of Bias Against Native Americans

44 Stephanie A. Fryberg, Rebecca Covarrubias, and Jacob A. Burack, “The Ongoing Psychological
Colonization of North American Indigenous People: Using Social Psychological Theories to
Promote Social Justice,” in The Oxford Handbook of Social Psychology and Social Justice, 编辑. Phillip L.
Hammack Jr. (牛津, 英国: 牛津大学出版社, 2016), 土井:10.1093/oxford
hb/9780199938735.013.35.

45 Kim Burgess, “‘Stagnant’ Test Scores for Native American Students,” Albuquerque Journal, 四月
10, 2017, https://www.abqjournal.com/985310/stagnant-test-scores-for-native-american-kids
.html.

46 Stephanie A. Fryberg and Arianne E. Eason, “Making the Invisible Visible: Acts of Commission

and Omission,” Current Directions in Psychological Science 26 (6) (2017): 554–559.

我

D
哦
w
n
哦
A
d
e
d

F
r
哦
米
H

t
t

:
/
/

d
我
r
e
C
t
.

米

我
t
.

e
d
你
d
A
e
d
A
r
t
我
C
e
–
p
d

我

F
/

1
4
7
2
7
0
1
8
3
1
4
4
7
d
A
e
d
_
A
_
0
0
4
9
1
p
d

乙
y
G
你
e
s
t

哦
n
0
7
S
e
p
e
米
乙
e
r
2
0
2
3

147 (2) Spring 2018Eason, 布雷迪 & Fryberg
下载pdf