跨学科历史杂志, xxxix:1 (夏天, 2008), 37–64.
NATIONAL SECURITY AND U.S. IMMIGRATION POLICY
Robbie Totten
National Security and U.S. Immigration Policy,
1776–1790 Why did the U.S. federal government do so little to
restrict immigration until almost the twentieth century? Most ex-
planations of early U.S. immigration policy stress ideological and
economic factors. Higham, a prominent immigration scholar, 阿尔-
gued that America opened its doors in part to provide “an asylum,
wherein the blessings of liberty would await all men.” Similarly,
another scholar explains that “immigration policy was guided by
. . . ideological republicanism” and a “cosmopolitan outlook.”
Others cite economic and demographic factors, such as a need for
a “great labor supply” to “increase the value of [他们的] land” and to
“help ªll their largely empty nation.”1
Robbie Totten is a doctoral student, Dept. of Political Science, 加州大学, Los
安吉利斯.
The author thanks Peter Krause, Deborah Larson, John McCauley, Christopher Totten,
Marc Trachtenberg, David Wilkinson, and an anonymous referee for comments on earlier
drafts.
© 2008 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and The Journal of Interdisciplinary
历史, Inc.
1 A recent historiographical article on immigration policy is bereft of a single reference to
安全: Roger Daniels, “Immigration: Federal Policy Towards,” in Peter J. Parish (编辑。),
Readers Guide to American History (伦敦, 1997), 337–338. General historiographical works
about the immigration ªeld do not mention geopolitical
因素. See Philip Gleason,
“Crevecoeur’s Question: Historical Writing on Immigration, 种族, and National Iden-
tity,” in Anthony Molho and Gordon S. Wood (编辑。), Imagined Histories: American Historians
Interpret the Past (普林斯顿大学, 1998), 120–144; Erika Lee, “Immigrants and Immigration Law: A
State of the Field Assessment,” Journal of Ethnic History, XVIII (1999), 85–115; Nancy Foder,
Ruben G. Rumbaut, and Steven J. 金子, “Immigration and Immigration Research in the
美国,” in idem (编辑。), Immigration Research for a New Century (纽约, 2000), 1–23.
For ideological arguments, see John Higham, Send These to Me, Immigrants in Urban America
(巴尔的摩, 1984), 31; Reed Ueda, “An Immigration Country of Assimilative Pluralism, 我是-
migrant Reception and Absorption in American History,” in Klaus J. Bade and Myron
韦纳 (编辑。), Migration Past, Migration Future, Germany and the United States (Providence,
1997), 1, 40–41; Matthew Spalding, “From Pluribus to Unum, Immigration and the
Founding Fathers,” Policy Review, LXVII (1994), 35–141; for economic and demographic ar-
guments, Lawrence Guy Brown, Immigration, Cultural Conºicts and Social Adjustments (新的
约克, 1933), 61; Marion T. Bennett, American Immigration Policies (Washington D.C., 1963), 2;
Daniels, Guarding the Golden Door: American Immigration Policy and Immigrants since 1982 (新的
约克, 2004), 6; Bill Ong Hing, Deªning America Through Immigration Policy (费城,
2004), 20–21. A few political scientists have discussed the security dimension of immigration
政策, though not early U.S. immigration policy: 詹姆斯·F. Holliªeld, Immigrants, Markets, 和
状态: The Political Economy of Postwar Europe (纽约, 1992); idem, “Migration, Trade, 和
the Nation-State: The Myth of Globalization,” UCLA Journal of International Law and Foreign
事务, 三、 (1998), 595–636; Eytan Meyers, International Immigration Policy: A Theoretical and
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38 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
This article offers an alternative explanation of early U.S.
immigration policy. It analyzes the policy area from a national-
security perspective—a common analytical focus in the ªeld of in-
ternational relations—to argue that economic and ideological ac-
counts of this issue are inadequate. Those in favor of immigration
hoped to strengthen the nation, primarily by providing soldiers
and money for the military; those opposed to immigration feared
that it would compromise national security by causing domestic
unrest and exposing the government to espionage and terrorism.
These concerns were not unjustiªed: Other powers with territory
in North America, such as Great Britain and Spain, attempted to
stiºe emigration to the United States to impede the new nation’s
生长. The debate has implications for immigration theory and
contemporary policymakers.2
background and method During the “Open Door Era” from
the early republic to approximately the twentieth century, 这
borders of the United States were legally unregulated by the fed-
eral government, except for a few minor restrictions—the Passen-
ger Act of 1819, for one—that attempted to discourage certain un-
Comparative Analysis (纽约, 2004); Christopher Rudolph, “Globalization and Security:
Migration and the Evolving Conceptions of Security in Statecraft and Scholarship, 安全
学习, XIII (2003), 1–32; idem., National Security and Immigration: Policy Development in the
United States and Western Europe since 1945 (斯坦福大学, 2006); idem, “Security and the Political
Economy of International Migration,” American Political Science Review, XCVII (2003), 602–
620; Michael C. Lemay, Guarding the Gates: Immigration and National Security (韦斯特波特, 2006);
Michael S. Teitelbaum and Weiner (编辑。), Threatened Peoples, Threatened Borders (纽约,
1995); 韦纳, The Global Migration Crisis: Challenge to States and to Human Rights (纽约,
1995). For two studies of early U.S. immigration policy that use analytical frameworks with
several variables, see Daniel J. Tichenor, Dividing Lines: The Politics of Immigration Control in
美国 (普林斯顿大学, 2002); Aristide Zolberg, A Nation by Design: Immigration Policy in the Fash-
ioning of America (纽约, 2006).
2 For examples of works in international relations that analyze U.S. domestic politics from a
security perspective see Gabriel Almond, “Review Article: The International-National Con-
nection,” British Journal of Political Science, XIX (1989), 237–259; Daniel H. Deudney, Bounding
力量: Republican Security Theory from the Polis to the Global Village (普林斯顿大学, 2007); 彼得
Gourevitch, “The Second Image Reversed: The International Sources of Domestic Politics,”
International Organization, XXXII (1978), 881–911; Deborah Welch Larson, Anatomy of Mis-
相信: U.S.-Soviet Relations During the Cold War (伊萨卡岛, 1997); idem, Origins of Containment: A
Psychological Explanation (普林斯顿大学, 1985); 约翰·J. 米尔斯海默, The Tragedy of Great Power
政治 (纽约, 2001) (for Mearsheimer’s interpretation of U.S. immigration policy, 看
同上。, 244, 246); Art A. 斯坦因, The Nation at War (巴尔的摩, 1980); on historians and interna-
tional theory, Marc Trachtenberg, The Craft of International History: A Guide to Method
(普林斯顿大学, 2006); on historical work within political science, Karen Orren and Stephen
Skowronek, The Search for American Political Development (剑桥, 2004).
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 39
desirable immigrants. Scholars have long pointed out
那
individual states tried to regulate immigration—mostly to keep
out the poor, the criminal, and the sick—but the federal govern-
ment did almost nothing. The result was mass migration.3
多于 19 million immigrants came to the United States
在这段时期. As Table 1 indicates, this population surge
helped shape the composition and strength of the nation. 一
study suggests that U.S. economic gains from migration were
higher than those from trade during the nineteenth century. 骗局-
sidering that wealth is a main building block of military power,
the country’s rise to international prominence may owe more to
mass migration than scholars recognize. The precedent for the na-
tion’s immigration policy was set far before its implementation
during the early Republic. The secondary literature reveals that
the founders deemed security to be an important component of
这项政策, as did successive leaders throughout the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries.4
British and colonial ofªcials offered a blueprint for American
leaders to follow long before Independence. In accord with the
contemporary mercantilist doctrine, “One should never fear that
there may be too many subjects or too many citizens, considering
that there is neither wealth nor power but of men,” British and
colonial leaders viewed population as a source of strength for the
状态. 因此, as early as the 1660s, in one of the oldest sur-
viving speeches in the House of Commons on this matter, 约翰
Holland argued that increased immigration will “enlarge the Hon-
our and Glory of the King . . . enlarge the Trade of the Kingdom
3 On the “Open Door Era,” see Michael C. LeMay, From Open Door to Dutch Door: 一个
Analysis of U.S. Immigration Policy since 1820 (纽约, 1987), 7–10; on the Passengr Act of
1819, Zolberg, Nation by Design, 99–100, 110–113; on federal immigration restrictions in the
十九世纪, Daniels, Guarding the Golden Door; idem, Nation by Design, 185–193; 为了
summaries of state regulatory policies during this period, Edward Prince Hutchinson, Legisla-
tive History of American Immigration Policy, 1798–1965 (费城, 1981), 388–404; 詹姆斯·H.
Kettner, The Development of American Citizenship, 1608–1870 (教堂山, 1978), 108–110;
Benjamin J. Klebaner, “State and Local Immigration Regulation in the United States before
1882,” International Review of Social History, 三、 (1958), 269–295; 杰拉德·L. Neuman, “The Lost
Century of American Immigration Law (1776–1875),” Columbia Law Review, XCIII (1993),
1833–1901; Zolberg, A Nation by Design, 72–76.
4 On the beneªts from immigration, see Rudolph, “Globalization and Security,” 14–15;
Timothy J. Hatton and Jeffrey G. 威廉森, The Age of Mass Migration: Causes and Economic
Impact (纽约, 1998); on wealth as the building block of national power, 米尔斯海默,
Great Power Politics, 55–82, 143–145; on the foundation of early immigration policy, Tichenor,
Dividing Lines, 54–55. For the secondary literature supporting a security interpretation of U.S.
immigration policy, see n. 44.
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40 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
桌子 1 我们. Share of World Wealth, Population, and Immigration, 1820–
1900
u.s. relative share of world wealth
1830
1840
1850
1860
1870
1880
1890
1900
12%
12%
15%
13%
16%
23%
35%
38%
u.s. 人口 (in thousands)
1830
1840
1850
1860
1870
1880
1890
1900
12,866 17,089 23,192 31,443 38,558 50,189 62,980 76,212
immigration to the u.s. (in thousands)
1821–30 1831–40 1841–50 1851–60 1861–70 1871–80 1881–90 1891–00
143
599
1,713
2,598
2,315
2,812
5,246
3,688
note Because the federal government did not keep track of the number of immigrants who
entered the country prior to 1820, it is difªcult to ascertain how many foreigners arrived dur-
ing this period, but several scholars have attempted estimates, which range from approxi-
马特利 250,000 到 534,000 immigrants for varying periods between 1781 和 1819. See Aaron
S. Fogleman, “From Slaves, Convicts, and Servants to Free Passengers: The Transformation
of Immigration in the Era of the American Revolution, Journal of American History, LXXXV
(1998), 44, 66–67, 73–76; the discussion and sources cited in Aristide R. Zolberg, A Nation by
设计: Immigration Policy in the Fashioning of America (纽约, 2006), 62–63.
sources Wealth data are from John Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (新的
约克, 2001), 248 (for his deªnition of wealth, 看 71). Population and immigration data are
from B. 右. 米切尔, International Historical Statistics: The Americas, 1750–1988 (纽约,
1993), IV, 90–92.
. . . [和] weaken our encreasing Neighbours that may possibly
become the worst of our Eneymes.” With this mercantilist princi-
ple in mind, British ofªcials devised ongoing incentives to boost
the population of its North American territories, at least until the
colonists seemed likely to revolt. But because Britain did not want
to deplete its own citizenship to populate the colonies, it often
preferred to invite industrious foreign workers, whose manpower
would simultaneously strengthen the Empire and deprive the en-
emy. Acting under the assumption that “the increase of People is a
Means of advancing the Wealth and Strength of any nation or
国家,” Parliament enacted a naturalization law in 1740 to at-
tract foreign emigration to America.5
5 The mercantilist comment is by Jean Bodin, quoted in Zolberg, Nation by Design, 28. Sir
John Holland, the House of Commons, 可能 4, 1664, in Caroline Robbins, “A Note on Gen-
eral Naturalization under the Later Stuarts and a Speech in the House of Commons on the
Subject in 1664,” Journal of Modern History, XXXIV (1962), 177. For the quotation on popula-
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 41
This measure suggests a simplicity about British policy that
belies the intricacy of the security measures involved in migration.
British ofªcials were hardly averse to use migration as if it were a
precision-guided weapon or to treat those belonging to certain
种族的, 种族, 宗教的, or other groups as if they were pieces on a
chess board. “National security and mercantilist concerns” were
behind a 1709 措施, explicitly approved by the queen, to emi-
grate 3,000 Palatines from London to the New York frontier “to
serve as a defensive barrier against the French and the Indians” and
to provide raw materials for the British ºeet. To ensure the preser-
vation of Canadian holdings, 而且, the British attempted
forcibly to move French-speaking Acadians, suspected of abetting
the enemy, from Nova Scotia to the colonies “in Order to terrify
the other Inhabitants from Clandestine Practices of betraying the
English Subjects into the Indians’ hands.” Similarly, 英国人, 还有
as other European, 领导者, sought to bolster homeland security by
sending convicts, drunkards, insolvents, the sick, and such misªts
as elk killers, sheep stealers, and forest burners to the colonies,
even sometimes paying their passage.6
Colonial leaders also attempted to use migration for security
目的, as reºected in the preambles of the legislation that they
devised to attract foreigners, which included incentives like tax
exemptions, 土地, naturalization, and other political advantages,
工具, and provisions. The Georgia assembly passed an act in 1757
to encourage immigration under the premise that it is “of the
tion and strength, see John Duncan Brite, “The Attitude of European States toward Emigra-
tion to the American Colonies and the United States 1607–1820,” unpub. 博士. diss.
(芝加哥大学, 1937), 178–179; on the British general naturalization law of 1740 和
the quotation, Kettner, Development of American Citizenship, 74. For further analysis of British
immigration and population policy, see Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the
Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (纽约, 1986), 29–57; Brite, “Attitude of
European States,” 160–224; Milfred Campbell, “‘Of People either too Few or too Many’:
The Conºict of Opinion on Population and Its Relation to Emigration,” in William
Appleton Aiken and Basil Duke Henning (编辑。), Conºict in Stuart England: Essays in Honour of
Wallace Notestein (纽约, 1970), 169–203; Emberson Edward Proper, Colonial Immigration
Laws: A Study of the Regulation of Immigration by the English Colonies in America (纽约,
1900), 73–76; Zolberg, Nation by Design, 26–51; on British naturalization law, 同上。, 39.
6 On British migration policy regarding the Palatines, see Philip Otterness, Becoming Ger-
男人: 这 1709 Palatine Migration to New York (伊萨卡岛, 2004), 72–73; on British action against
the French-speaking Acadians and the related quotation, Geoffrey Plank, An Unsettled Con-
quest: The British Campaign Against the Peoples of Acadia (费城, 2001), 1; on shipping
undesirables, see A. Roger Ekirch, Bound for America: The Transportation of British Convicts to
the Colonies, 1718–1775 (纽约, 1987); Bailyn, Voyagers to the West, 260–262, 292–295;
Brite, “Attitude of European States,” 265–287; Zolberg, Nation by Design, 26, 35–36.
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42 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
greatest Importance to the safety of the British Empire in America
that the Province of Georgia should be peopled with a Number of
Inhabitants sufªcient to repel any Invasion or Incroachment of
foreign Powers, and to prevent any Incursion of the Indians.” The
South Carolina assembly passed a similar statute because “nothing
contributes more to the safety and ºourishing estate of any coun-
try than the multitude of people.” From 1696 到 1741, 南
Carolina enacted ten laws to attract immigrants, including one that
naturalized the deceased, conferring valid titles to estates on those
born in another country. Many of the other colonial governments
employed promotion agents to spread word of these enticements
throughout Europe.7
The security measures taken by colonial leaders regarding im-
migration were often more complex than they seemed on the sur-
脸. Franklin’s controversial Observations Concerning the Increase of
Mankind, Peopling of Countries, Etc., which helped to lose him a
seat in the Pennsylvania Assembly, is a case in point. Beyond its
standard mercantilist talk, Franklin conditioned his recommenda-
tion with a decidedly racist corollary, advising the exclusion of
“Palatine Boors” and “the Sons of Africa” because they were a
threat to domestic stability and security. 相似地, 马萨诸塞州
ofªcials attempted to emigrate Jesuits to other colonies out of sus-
picion that they “by subtile insinuations seduced and withdrawn
the Indians from obedience, and stirred them up to sedition
and open rebellion.” South Carolina ofªcials developed the Head-
right System and related land-grant programs to “limit the fut-
ure importation of Negroes and . . . encourage the immigration
of whites”; the colonists there lived in fear of slave revolts,
since blacks outnumbered whites in many parts of the state at the
time.8
7 For the Georgia and South Carolina statutes, see Erna Risch, “Encouragement of Immi-
gration as Revealed in Colonial Legislation,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, XLV
(1937), 2, 4 n.; on colonial efforts to entice foreigners, Edward A. Hoyt, “Naturalizaton Un-
der the American Colonies: Signs of a New Community,” Political Science Quarterly, LXVII,
(1952), 262–263; on colonial laws, Proper, Colonial Immigration Laws; idem, “Encouragement
of Immigration,” 1–10; Zolberg, Nation by Design, 39; on South Carolina’s laws, idem, Colo-
nial Immigration Laws, 69 n.; on promotion agents, Brite, “Attitude of European States,” 127–
160; on recruitment practices, Bailyn, Voyagers to the West, 296–323.
8 本杰明·富兰克林, “Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of
国家, etc.,” in J. A. Leo Lemay (编辑。), 本杰明·富兰克林: Writings (纽约, 1987),
373–374. Franklin sought to restrict entrance to the colonies for Germans and slaves primarily
because the former would “establish their Language and Manners to the Exclusion of ours”
and the latter would “darken its people.” On Franklin’s loss of a seat in the 1764 选举, 看
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 43
Although colonial and British policies were similar in many
respects, the eighteenth-century British practice of dumping crim-
inals upon the colonies became a point of contention, leading
Franklin to exclaim, “Thou art called our MOTHER COUN-
TRY; but what good Mother ever sent Thieves and Villains to ac-
company her Children,” and “We do not ask Fish, but thou givest
us Serpents, and worse than Serpents!” British leaders, 然而,
disregarded colonial attempts to ban the importation of criminals.
之后, when the British feared that “the continual emigrations
from Ireland and Scotland will soon render our [美国人] colo-
nies independent on the mother-country,” Parliament attempted
to curtail further emigration to North America, disallowing the
acts designed by the colonists to entice foreigners. Thomas Jeffer-
son and his fellow revolutionaries, as discussed below, 经过考虑的
these policies adequate grounds for independence.9
Colonial leaders were obviously cognizant of the connection
between national security and immigration. 然而, the found-
呃, perhaps because they were convinced that the strength of a
country depended on the size of its population, never directly sub-
jected the topic to national debate or ofªcially “recorded” an im-
migration policy: The doors to the United States remained ajar
because no national legislation was in place to close them. 没有任何-
theless, the nation’s architects were not oblivious to what one
scholar called their “non-decisions” about immigration.10
William S. Hanna, Benjamin Franklin and Pennsylvania Politics (斯坦福大学, 1964), 154–169; 在
Massachusetts leaders attempting to emigrate Jesuits, Proper, Colonial Immigration Laws, 27; 在
Pennsylvania leaders’ attempt to restrict Palatine immigration, 同上。, 46–49; on South Carolin-
ian immigration policy, Robert K. Ackerman, South Carolina Colonial Land Policies (Columbia,
1977), 4, 48–49, 89–90; Rachel N. 克莱因, “Ordering the Backcountry: The South Carolina
Regulation,” William and Mary Quarterly, XXXVIII (1981), 663; Jane Revill, A Compilation of
the Original Lists of Protestant Immigrants to South Carolina, 1763–1773 (Columbia, 1939). 南
Carolinian ofªcials also sought white immigrants for help “defending the southern frontier
against the Indians, the Spanish, and the French” (Ackerman, South Carolina, 48). On the fear
of slave revolt, see Walter C. Rucker, The River Flows On: Black Resistance, Culture, and Iden-
tity Formation in Early America (Baton Rouge, 2006), 91–119.
9 Franklin, “On Transported Felons,” Pennsylvania Gazette, 11 四月 1751, in Lemay (编辑。),
Franklin, 358; Franklin, “Rattle-Snakes for Felons,” in ibid., 9 可能 1751, in Lemay (编辑。), 同上。,
359–361. On the potential effect of emigration to the colonies, see Bailyn, Voyagers to the
西方, 38; on the British restricting emigration to the colonies, 同上。, 49–66; Proper, Colonial
Immigration Law, 75–76 (Mark Petracca found that Proper may have mistakenly identiªed the
proposal on page 76 as an act; see Zolberg, Nation by Design, 490, n.); Zolberg, Nation by De-
sign, 37–38; on European leaders’ attempts to restrict emigration, Brite, “Attitudes of Euro-
pean States,” 195–224.
10 Although the founders never directly discussed or “set” an immigration policy, the Con-
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44 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
The absence of legislation and of any national forum about
immigration during the early republic constrains any straightfor-
ward explanation of the forefathers’ position on immigration. 但
indirect evidence is available from three sources: key policy de-
bates on issues related to immigration, such as naturalization; 在-
vate correspondence between leaders on immigration; and aca-
demic and public debate about immigration. This approach may
not amount to a comprehensive history of early immigration pol-
icy, but it can reveal the extent to which issues of national security
were factored into U.S. 政策. The analysis focuses primarily on
the pro-immigration sentiment, since it ultimately translated into
the open door policy.11
pro-immigration sentiment Geopolitics can reveal much
about early U.S immigration policy. As the colonies grew in pop-
ulation and strength, 英国, concerned that “the great increase of
people in the said colonies [将有] an immediate tendency
to produce independency,” began desperately to inhibit emigra-
tion there, eventually imposing formal and informal restrictions
against English and Scottish travelers after the colonies were de-
stitution reveals that they had a liberal policy in mind. 例如, it provided, “The Con-
gress shall have the power . . . to establish a uniform rule of naturalization” (Article I, 部分
8), 并在 1790, at its ªrst opportunity, Congress set generous naturalization terms: Any free
white person who resided for two years “within the limits and under the jurisdiction of the
United States” could acquire American citizenship (Act of March 26, 1790). 此外, 这
constitutional architects, despite objections from several deliberators, protected the slave trade
for twenty years, a major source of immigration and labor for the early Republic (Article I,
部分 9). The most signiªcant action taken by the framers to promote immigration was to
make natives and immigrants eligible for every political ofªce except the vice-presidency and
the presidency (Article I, 部分 2; Article I, 部分 3; Article II, 部分 1). See William S.
Bernard (编辑。), American Immigration Policy—A Reappraisal (纽约, 1950), 4–5. On “non-
决定,” see Tichenor, Dividing Lines, 53.
11 On three occasions before 1800, Congress changed the number of years a foreigner had
to reside in the U.S. before becoming eligible for citizenship, but not the open-border policy.
See Frank George Franklin, The Legislative History of Naturalization in the United States: 从
the Revolutionary War to 1861 (芝加哥, 1906), 33–97; Kettner, Development of American Citizen-
船, 235–246.
The shortcoming of this article’s methodological approach is the difªculty of determin-
ing direct causation. If the forefathers had discussed and voted on immigration legislation dur-
ing the early republic, the extent to which security played into their decisions would be
subject to direct analysis. 幸运的是, the founders discussed immigration in relation to other
政策, such as the naturalization act of 1790. For historical accounts of immigration policy
during the early Republic, see Tichenor, Dividing Lines, 49–55; Zolberg, Nation by Design,
58–98.
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 45
clared in rebellion on August 23, 1775. Eager for the security ad-
vantages of a robust population, the colonists were not pleased.
The Declaration of Independence—the ªrst document of the new
nation—accused King George III of “endeavor[英] to prevent
the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the
Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to en-
courage their migration hither.” Why was the ªrst security deci-
sion by the founders, to wage war against a signiªcantly stronger
superpower, based in part on immigration?12
Colonial ofªcials and early U.S. leaders feared for their sur-
vival on a continent in which Native Americans, 英国人, 这
法语, and the Spanish had been ªghting for control for more
than a century. The Confederation of States was surrounded by
external powers on its northern, southern, and western borders; 它
had ample reason to be wary of them all. British leaders refused to
surrender their northeastern forts as the Treaty of Paris had man-
dated; Spanish provocateurs paid American authorities to persuade
their countrymen to defect; and both Britain and Spain attempted
to undercut American strength by inciting American Indians to
attack settlers and by denying the states access to the Mississippi,
the West Indies, and the North Atlantic ªsheries. 而且, “as
American settlers pushed further west, they often forcibly re-
moved Indians from their lands, 和, 反过来, the Indians, 经常
countenanced by Britain and Spain, attacked settlers, stole live-
库存, and destroyed crops.”13
12 Many scholars of the early republic are quick to cite the forefathers’ anti-immigrant and
“nativist” remarks. See Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925
(New Brunswick, 1955), 4–8; Roy L. Garis, Immigration Restriction (纽约, 1927), 22–27;
Dale T. Knobel, “Americans for the Americans”: The Nativist Movement in the United States (新的
约克, 1996). The comment by the British Parliament is from Proper, Colonial Immigration
Laws, 75–76. On British emigration restrictions to the states, see Bailyn, Voyagers to the West,
91; on the Declaration of Independence, http://www.constitution.org/usdeclar.pdf.
13 Totten, “Security and the Making of the U.S. 宪法,” unpub. 纸. Francisco
Rendón to Jose de Gálvez, 一月 30, 1784, in Mary A. Giunta (编辑。), The Emerging Nation: A
Documentary History of the Foreign Relations of the United States under the Articles of Confederation,
1780–1789 (华盛顿, 华盛顿特区, 1996) [hereinafter frus], 二, 293. On the international climate
in the late eighteenth century, see Daniel George Lang, Foreign Policy in the Early Republic: 这
Law of Nations and the Balance of Power (Baton Rouge, 1985); on British and Spanish attempts
to undermine U.S. 安全, Alfred Leroy Burt, 美国, 大不列颠, and British
North America from the Revolution to the Establishment of Peace after the War of 1812 (纽约,
1961); Frederick W. Marks III, Independence on Trial: Foreign Affairs and the Making of the Con-
制度 (Wilmington, 1984), 5–12, 21–36, 19–21, 52–95; Arthur P. 惠特克, The Spanish-
American Frontier, 1783–1795 (纽约, 1927); on the American Indian threat, see Marks, 在-
dependence on Trial, 3–52.
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46 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
Complicating matters further, the federal government, 是-
cause it had little control over the states under the Articles of Con-
federation, did not have the power to collect taxes from its citizens
to protect the thirteen states. For part of this period, it had fewer
比 200 soldiers under its command, few fortiªcations, 而不是一个
single dependable battleship to defend against a foreign power
invading by sea. American leaders often revealed their acute
awareness of the extent to which the Confederation was suscepti-
ble to attack. John Jay, the secretary of foreign affairs during much
of the Confederation’s existence, corresponded privately with
William and Robert Livingston, Robert and Gouverneur Morris,
Philip Schuyler, Egbert Benson, and Alexander Hamilton—all
close associates—to that effect. He concluded, as did John
Adams—also a foreign diplomat—that because the Confederation
did not have the “capacity to repel force by force,” “it will be but
a few years . . . before we are involved in another war.”14
The evidence indicates that, in an effort to ªnd ways to pro-
tect the nation, America’s early leaders looked to immigrant man-
power as a possible resource to generate the wealth needed to es-
tablish the military in case of war and to occupy and protect the
土地, especially the frontier. Although immigration policy never
received a public hearing during the Confederation—possibly be-
cause its purpose was so obvious—private correspondence be-
tween leaders shows that security was a consideration. 罗伯特
莫里斯, WHO, as superintendent of ªnance, masterfully funded the
Revolutionary War, explained exactly how foreigners could
14
See the discussion in Totten, “Security and the Making of the U.S. Constitution.” On
the thirteen states acting as sovereigns, see Madison, “Vices of the Political System of the
美国,“ 四月 1787, in William T. Hutchinson and William M. 乙. Rachal (编辑。), 这
Papers of James Madison (芝加哥, 1975), IX, 345–358; on the Confederation’s susceptibility to
foreign attack, 大卫·C. Hendrickson, Peace Pact: The Lost World of the American Founding
(劳伦斯, 2003); 分数, Independence on Trial; on founders’ comments about foreign attack,
Grayson to Madison, 行进 22, 1786, in Edmund C. Burnett (编辑。), Letters of Members of the
Continental Congress (华盛顿, 华盛顿特区, 1962), XXIII, 205–206; Jefferson to Monroe,
in Giunta (编辑。), frus, 二, 498; Hamilton to Gouverneur Morris,
十一月 11, 1784,
可能 19, 1788, http://oll.libertyfund.org/Home3/HTML-voice.php?recordID?0249.09 (交流电-
cessed April 1, 2007); Madison to Jefferson, 九月 7, 1784, in Giunta (编辑。), frus, 二, 436;
Randolph to Madison, 十二月 27, 1787, in John P. Kaminski and Gaspare J. Saladino
(编辑。), The Documentary History of the Constitution (麦迪逊, 1981), IX, 981–983; VIII, 275–
276; Washington to Henry Knox, 行进 3, 1788, in Marks, Independence on Trial, 50; on Jay’s
private letters, Gottfried Dietze, “The Federalist”: A Classic on Federalism and Free Government
(巴尔的摩, 1960), 74–75; for the Adams and Jay quotations, 分数, Independence on Trial, 29,
46; Federalist No. 4, in Jacob E. 库克 (编辑。), The Federalist (Middletown, 1961), 100.
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 47
strengthen the nation: “[乙]migrants who will come to us from Eu-
绳索 [will help to] “get us to get back on our feet,” by generating
money to pay America’s increasing debt and by helping to “estab-
lish immediately a respectable navy; to avoid war we propose to
stand ready to wage one well.” Morris’ advice was heeded. Only a
few decades later, approximately one-third of the national army
and many of the state militias were comprised of men who had
immigrated.15
相似地, John Livingston of Virginia, a former secretary of
foreign affairs, writing under the pseudonym “Primitive Whig” in
1785, pleaded to his countrymen that America should “give the
greatest possible encouragement to the inºux of foreigners,” since
it “would be a real addition to our strength,” most likely referring
to the security advantages of a robust population. Even those not
in the national “limelight” looked to immigration as a source of
安全. An ofªcer stationed at Fort McIntosh, 例如, 关于-
joiced over the beneªts of the “astonishingly great” foreign migra-
tion to the Ohio region, which would presumably help to secure
the nation’s western settlements against Indian attack.16
Some of those who acknowledged immigrants’ contribution
to security during this period were not always disposed to consider
the territorial Confederation their “national” unit. Most likely be-
cause of the polity’s weak central structure, they were often pri-
marily concerned for the security of their own particular area
within it. Recent studies show that the founders discussed the pos-
sibility of war between parts of the Confederacy more often than
is commonly thought. As Hamilton privately commented in 1780,
“A little time hence some of the States will be powerful empires;
and we are so remote from other nations, that we shall have all the
leisure and opportunity we can wish to cut each other’s throats.”
Because leaders from certain states or regions were often distrustful
of leaders from other states or regions, they were often disinclined
15 Robert Morris, 四月 10, 1783, in E. James Ferguson (编辑。), The Papers of Robert Morris,
1781–1784 (Pittsburgh, 1988), VII, 691–696; Clarence L. Ver Steeg, Robert Morris, 革命-
ary Financier: With an Analysis of His Earlier Career (费城, 1954). On the composition of
美国. 军队, see Vernon M. Briggs, 小。, Mass Immigration and the National Interest
(阿蒙克, 1992), 45.
16
”Primitive Whig” feared that the nation would adopt a new paper currency, 哪个
would attract domestic schemers and speculators and thus dissuade hard-working foreigners
from coming to America. “Primitive Whig, 不. 5,” New-Jersey Gazette, 6 Feb. 1786; “Extract
of a letter from Fort McIntosh,” Connecticut Courant, 7 十一月. 1785.
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48 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
to see parts of the Confederation other than their own beneªt
from foreign numbers. They had the same concern for their na-
tion’s security; they simply had different conceptions of what ex-
actly their nation was.17
The eastern states worried that the western states would grow
too powerful. James Madison feared that immigration to the West
could threaten the Confederation by “multiplying the parts of the
Machine”; the depopulation of the eastern states would “delay . . .
that maritime strength which must be their only safety in case of
war.” William Grayson, who sat on a committee that planned set-
tlements in the West, explained to George Washington in private
that eastern leaders, because they “[是] apprehensive of the con-
sequences which may result from the new States taking their posi-
tion in the Confederacy,” devised policies to make their states
more appealing to immigrants than the western states. Timothy
Bloodworth, a member of the Continental Congress, wrote to the
Governor of North Carolina, “The Eastern Delegates . . . [想]
to embarrass the population of . . . [the western states], which they
seem to view with a [jealous] eye and [他们] openly declare on the
ºoor of Congress, their desire if possible to prevent emigration [到
the West].” Northern leaders expressed similar concerns. Witness,
例如, Rufus Putnam—the surveyor of western lands in
1785—who wrote that Massachusetts and New York ofªcials
wanted to prevent emigration to the Ohio region so that foreign-
ers would remain in their own states.18
Regional and state rivalries within the Confederation eased
after the Constitution created a strong central government, 和
17 On the rivalry between individual states, see Totten, “Security and the Making of the
我们. Constitution”; Hendrickson, Peace Pact; Peter S. Onuf, The Origins of the Federal Republic:
Jurisdictional Controversies in the United States 1775–1787 (费城, 1983); idem, “Anarchy
and the Crisis of the Union,” in Herman Belz, Ronald Hoffman, and Peter J. 阿尔伯特 (编辑。), 到
Form a More Perfect Union: The Critical Ideas of the Constitution (夏洛茨维尔, 1992). 汉密尔顿
to James Duane, 九月 3, 1780, in The Works of Alexander Hamilton (纽约, 1904), 我,
217.
18 Madison to Jefferson, 八月 20, 1784, in Robert A. Rutland and Rachal (编辑。), The Pa-
pers of James Madison: The Congressional Series (芝加哥, 1973), VIII, 108; Grayson to Washing-
吨, 四月 15, 1785, in W. 瓦. Abbot and Dorothy Twohig (编辑。), The Papers of George
华盛顿: The Confederation Series (夏洛茨维尔, 1992), 二, 498–501; Bloodworth to Rich-
ard Caswell, 八月 28, 1786, in Burnett (编辑。), Letters of Members of the Continental Congress,
VIII, 455; Putnam to Washington, 四月 5, 1784, in Abbot and Twolig (编辑。), Papers of George
华盛顿, 我, 263–265; Rufus King to Elbridge Gerry, 六月 4, 1786, in Charles R. 国王 (编辑。),
The Life and Correspondence of Rufus King (纽约, 1894–1900), 我, 175–179; Onuf, Statehood
and Union: A History of the Northwest Ordinance (布卢明顿, 1987), 4.
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 49
leaders turned to immigrants to strengthen the nation as a whole.
“It is clear, that the present situation of America, renders it neces-
sary to promote the inºux of people,” Coxe, a member of the
Continental Congress, advised in a speech before the Society for
Political Enquiries at Franklin’s house in 1787. 相似地, Jefferson
解释了, “The present desire of America is to produce rapid
population by as great importations of foreigners as possible.” Al-
though early ofªcials in the United States, like those before them
in the Confederation, never publicly or directly discussed why the
need for immigration was “clear,” the founders at the Federal
Convention in Philadelphia inserted clauses in the Constitution
that granted easy terms of naturalization to foreigners, 受保护的
the slave trade, and allowed foreigners to run for most political
ofªces, thus laying the foundation for mass migration. 的确, 这
nature of the debates during the state conventions to ratify the
宪法, the private comments by prominent leaders, 这
writings of contemporary academics, and the public discourse sug-
gest that national security factored prominently into these pro-
immigration decisions.19
The deliberation at the Virginia convention, which many of
the most prominent founders—such as Madison, Patrick Henry,
and James Monroe—attended, reveals that leaders intended to use
immigration to strengthen the nation. Edmund Randolph, 这
former governor of the state, urged his fellow delegates to ratify
the Constitution to prevent Virginia from falling to foreign ag-
gressors: “Our militia amounts to 50,000. . . . In case of an attack,
19 Tench Coxe, “An Enquiry into the Best Means of Encouraging Emigration from
国外, Consistently with the Happiness and Safety of the Original Citizens. Read before the
Society for Political Enquiries, at the House of Dr. Franklin, April 20th, 1787,” American Mu-
seum, X (1791), 114. The Jefferson quotation is in Zolberg, Nation by Design, 58. In a debate
about the number of years a foreigner must reside in America before becoming eligible for
political ofªce, delegates made it clear why they wanted immigrants—to attract their wealth,
which can be consistent with a national security perspective. 汉密尔顿, 例如, 著名的
that “the advantage of encouraging foreigners was obvious & admitted. Persons in Europe of
moderate fortunes will be fond of coming.” Madison wanted more “respectable Europeans
. . . ready to transfer their fortunes hither.” James Wilson cited his own state of Pennsylvania
as “among the foremost [状态] in population & prosperity” because it aggressively recruited
移民. The forefathers’ discussion in private letters and at the ratifying conventions indi-
cates their connection of wealth with security. 米尔斯海默, Tragedy of Great Power Politics,
143–144; 麦迪逊, 八月 9, 1787, 汉密尔顿, 八月 13, 1787, and Wilson, 八月 13, 1787,
in Max Farrand (编辑。), The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787 (新天堂, 1966), 二, 236,
268, 269. For references to immigration in the Constitution, see n. 10. The founders, in addi-
tion to taking steps to protect the slave trade, also took steps to end it.
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50 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
what defense can we make?” “[We need] men sufªcient in num-
ber to defend ourselves . . . We must have a navy . . . to guard our
coasts and defend us against invasions.” But given the nation’s
considerable debt from the Revolutionary War, he asked “[如何]
can we get money for this [navy]. . . ? How shall we raise it?” His
answer was that the establishment of a strong central government
would attract immigrants: “Merchants and men of wealth will be
induced to come among us, [和] emigration will encrease.”
Without an inºux of foreigners, he asked, “Can you ªnd men to
defend you? If not men . . . can you have a navy [没有
钱]?” Virginia, he concluded, would suffer from its “inability
to raise and man a navy” without foreign numbers.20
Washington agreed with him. He wrote to Jefferson that the
United States could beneªt from Europe’s wars by attracting their
公民: “[如果] we wisely & properly improve the advantages which
nature has given us, we may be benªtted by their [英国, 法国,
and Russia’s] folly.” In a tone different from that of his ideological
public speeches, which scholars often cite for his position on im-
移民, he wrote, “I conceive under an energetic general Gov-
政府 [the government proposed under the Constitution] 这样的
regulations might be made, and such measures taken, as would
render this Country the asylum of . . . industrious characters from
all parts of Europe—would encourage the cultivation of the Earth
by the high price which its products would command—and
would draw the wealth, and wealthy men of other Nations, 进入
our own bosom, by giving security . . . to its holders.”21
Why was Washington so excited to attract wealthy immi-
grants at Europe’s expense? As a successful military leader, 他是
aware of the Confederation’s vulnerability to foreign attack. 在一个
private letter written to the Marquis de Lafayette, his trusted
friend, only a few days later, he explained, “To guard against . . .
20 Randolph, the Virginia convention, 六月 6, 1788, in Kaminski and Saladino (编辑。), Docu-
mentary History of the Constitution, IX, 981–983.
21 Washington to Jefferson, 一月 1, 1788, http://gwpapers.virginia.edu/documents/
constitution/1788/jefferson1.html. To represent Washington as a leader who presented
America as a great democracy that opened its doors to immigrants, scholars often cite the ªrst
president’s speech to newly arrived Irish immigrants in 1783. But many of his private corre-
spondences (see n. 22), which have a different tone, are probably more indicative of his true
thoughts and intentions. 华盛顿, “Letter to the members of the Volunteer Association
and other Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Ireland who have lately arrived in the City of New
约克,” Dec. 2, 1783, http://founding.com/library/lbody.cfm?id?191&parent?60.
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 51
foreign interposition . . . is now the important subject that en-
grosses the attention of all our part of America.” Washington also
wanted Europeans to emigrate to the West to subdue the Native
American tribes and secure the frontier. He recommended to
James Duane, a former Indian commissioner, that the West should
“admit such emigrations . . . not only from the several States of the
Union but from Foreign Countries. . . . Measures of this sort
would not only obtain Peace from the Indians, but would, in my
观点, be the means of preserving it.” In line with his expressed
awareness of the connection between national security and immi-
gration, Washington’s ªrst address to Congress as President in
1790 enthusiastically urged the legislature to devise a “liberal” nat-
uralization law to attract immigrants.22
Madison—the “Father of the Constitution” and a main con-
tributor to The Federalist—also viewed immigration as a way to
bolster frontier security. In a letter to Nicholas, he wrote, “West-
ern strength is unable at present to command the use of the Missis-
sippi [from the Spanish],” adding even more ominously, “South-
ern Indians are encouraged and armed by the Spaniards” to attack
American settlements. But he was conªdent that the new govern-
ment under the Constitution would induce “emigrants . . . 从
Europe” to the West, thus enabling the United States to “take the
requisite measures for getting into our hands the Western posts
which will not cease to instigate the [Native Americans], as long as
they remain in British hands.” He was convinced that taking pos-
session of the forts near the Great Lakes, which the British had re-
fused to surrender, would help to secure the frontier. Western
22 Washington to Lafayette,
一月 10, 1788, http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/etcbin/
ot2wwwwashington?specªle=/texts/english/washington/ªtzpatrick/search/gw.o2w&act=
surround&offset=36768298&tag=Writings+of+Washington,+Vol.+29:+To+MARQUIS+
DE+LAFAYETTE&query=&id?. On wealth as the building block of national power, 看
n. 4. Washington to Duane, 九月 7, 1783, in Lawrence B. 埃文斯 (编辑。), Writings of George
华盛顿 (纽约, 1908), 480. In a letter to Congress a few months earlier, he had rec-
ommended that several of his former army ofªcers be given land on the Western frontier to
help “combat the [Native Americans], and check their incursions—A Settlement formed of
such Men would give security to our frontiers” (Washington to the President of Congress,
六月 17, 1783, 同上。, 475). Washington also often wanted to see the West settled. He wrote to
Lafayette, 例如, that he hoped to see immigrants “increase and multiply” on the “fer-
tile plains of the Ohio.” Many scholars argue that Washington sought to settle the West be-
cause he had an economic interest in the region. But to provide security for the young nation
should also be considered as an explanation. Washington to Lafayette, 七月 25, 1785, 同上。, 501;
Washington to Richard Henderson, 六月 19, 1788, 同上。, 510. On the naturalization law, 看
华盛顿, “First Annual Message to Congress,” January 8, 1790, 同上。, 331.
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52 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
leaders also believed that emigration was essential for their secu-
理性. In a letter intended to be read at the Federal Convention, A
group of prominent politicians from Kentucky opposed the Con-
stitution on the grounds that it would impede immigration.
“[我们的] population will cease,” they worried, “[和] leave us in a
defenceless State and subject us to the ravages of the [American In-
dians.]”23
The evidence shows that this sort of thinking was pervasive
throughout the thirteen states. Jay maintained that population
生长, generated naturally or by immigration, was a source of
power that foreign leaders feared. In his view, America’s allies “re-
joice[d] to see her become great and powerful,” but he warned
that “such other foreign nations . . . WHO, jealous of our growing
重要性 . . . behold our rapid population growth with regret.”
John Howard, a delegate to New York’s convention, wrote in
private that the Constitution would induce immigrants to “trans-
plant themselves into this happy soil, and enrich the United States
at the expence of our enemies”—namely, Britain and possibly
other European powers.24
During the Pennsylvania convention, Wilson, recognized as
the “second” father of the Constitution, observed that “it is a
maxim of every [国家], and it ought to be a maxim with us, 那
the increase of numbers increases . . . the security . . . of govern-
ments.” He added, “The power of the states, I apprehend, will in-
crease with the population . . . of their inhabitants.” He urged the
states to ratify the Constitution, which would “draw numbers
from the other side of the Atlantic.” Otherwise, “we shall be un-
happy from foreign restraints and internal violence.” On another
occasion during the convention, he expounded that the new
Constitution will “draw from Europe many worthy characters
[因此] secure us from danger and procure us advantages from
foreign nations. . . . We are still an inviting object to one Euro-
pean power at least, 和, if we cannot defend ourselves, the temp-
tation may become too alluring to be resisted. . . . This system will
23 Madison to George Nicholas, 可能 17, 1788, in Kaminski and Saladino (编辑。), Documen-
tary History, XVIII, 24–32; McDowell et al. to the Court of Fayette County, Kentucky, Feb-
鲁阿里 28, 1787, 同上。, XVI, 261–263.
24
Jay, “A Citizen of New-York: An Address to the People of the State of New York,”
四月 15, 1788, 同上。, XVII,101–120; Howard to George Thatcher, 二月 27, 1787, 同上。,
XVI, 229–231; Robert R. Livingston to Marquis de la Luzerne, 可能 7, 1788, 同上。, XVII,
393.
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 53
not hurry us into war; it is calculated to guard against it.” Wilson
may have articulated the connection between security and immi-
gration more elegantly than anyone else at the time, but he cer-
tainly was not alone in acknowledging it. The evidence shows that
leaders from most of the states repeatedly made similar arguments
during the ratifying conventions and in private.25
Politicians were not the only ones to connect immigration,
人口, and national power during that era; so did academics.
William Barton, in a speech read before the American Philosophi-
cal Society, proposed, “There is not, 也许, any political axiom
更好地建立, than this,—That a high degree of population
contributes greatly to the . . . strength of a state. . . . If these obser-
vations be applied to the United States of America, it will appear,
that this country possesses, in a superior degree, an inherent, radi-
cal and lasting source of national vigor [strength] and greatness:—
为了, it will be found, 那, in no other part of the world, 是个
progress of population so rapid, as in these states.” Barton, as he
acknowledged in a written version of his speech, was merely
afªrming the policy advice already given by the British scholar
Richard Price, “The encouragement of population ought to be
one of the ªrst objects of policy, in every state.”26
Newspapers were the primary medium for leaders to advo-
cate policy during the early Republic; prominent politicians—
such as Hamilton, Jay, and Madison—often assumed pseudonyms
25
James Wilson, the Pennsylvania convention, 十二月 4, 1787, 同上。, 二, 477–478, 583–
584. At the Massachusetts convention, General Samuel Thompson declared that because of
immigration and natural growth, “we are encreasing in numbers.” As a result, “we are able to
stand our own ground against a foreign power–they cannot starve us out–they cannot bring
their ships on the land.” Thompson and other delegates who presented similar arguments pre-
sumably thought that a robust population, through the manpower and resources it provided
for an army, was vital for deterrence. David Ramsay, a South Carolinian leader, also believed
that America’s growing population, stimulated in part by immigration, would strengthen the
国家, declaring that because of “our growing numbers the citizens of the United States will
probably be ªve times as numerous as the inhabitants of Great Britain.” Consequently, 与一个
robust population and a strong central government, Ramsay concluded, “we shall be pro-
tected from foreign invasion.” Thompson, 同上。, 六、, 1316. For similar speeches at the Massa-
chusetts convention, see James Bowdoin, 一月 23, 1788, 同上。, 六、, 1317–1323; 托马斯
Dawes, 一月 12, 1788, 同上。, 六、, 1287–1289; Bowdoin to George Ewing, 八月 12, 1788,
同上。, XVIII, 324; “David Ramsay Oration,” Charleston Columbian Herald, 5 六月, 1788, 同上。,
XVIII, 164.
26 巴顿, Observations on the Progress of Population 1–2, n.1. On Barton, see Milton
Rubican, “A Memoir of the Life of William Barton, A.M. (1754–1817),” Pennsylvania History,
XII (1945), 179–193.
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54 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
to promote policy without formally acknowledging responsibility.
The articles in prominent newspapers that encouraged immigra-
tion for geopolitical reasons show, unlike the existing literature
about the early republic, that security was a signiªcant part of the
public discourse. A contributor to the New York Daily Advertiser
wrote that the new Constitution would encourage “thousands in
欧洲, with moderate fortunes, [到] migrate to this country” and
那
the resulting wealth and population would enable “the
Floridas [到] be conquered in a campaign” and “the spoils of the
West-Indies and South-America [到] enrich the next generation.”
A writer at the Virginia Independent Chronicle feared that France,
西班牙, Holland, and England, “tempted by our distracted and de-
fenceless situation [可能] divide the states amongst them . . . to ac-
quire additional territory . . . [和] cut off at a single stroke the
head of their formidable rival.” But he was also conªdent that the
immigrants attracted by the new Constitution would make the na-
tion the recipient of a “great increase of wealth and population,”
which would afford it “perfect security against foreign invasions.”
The Pennsylvania Packet reported that America’s increase in popu-
lation due to immigration and its capacity to absorb a large popu-
lation within its vast expanse would result in an “extensive west-
ern empire, rich in territory. . . , [和] nervous [meaning strong] 在
war.”27
Leaders continued to think in this way after ratiªcation of the
宪法. During the ªrst congressional debate under the new
政府, Madison addressed the immigration issue explicitly:
“It is no doubt very desirable that we should hold out as many in-
ducements as possible for . . . mankind to come and settle amongst
us.” He described the purpose of immigration as “not merely to
swell the catalogue of people . . . [但] to increase the wealth and
strength of the community; and those who acquire the rights of
国籍, without adding to the wealth and strength of the com-
munity are not the people we are in want of. . . . I should be ex-
27 马库斯,” New York Daily Advertiser, 15 Oct. 1787, in Kaminski and Saladino (编辑。), Docu-
mentary History, VIII, 383; “A Freeholder,” Virginia Independent Chronicle, 9 四月 1788, 同上。,
IX, 728–729; Pennsylvania Packet, 3 六月 1788, 同上。, 六、, 149–151; “A Delegate Who Has
Catched Cold,” Virginia Independent Chronicle, 18 六月 1788, 同上。, X, 1640–1643; “One of the
人们,” Massachusetts Centinel, 17 Oct. 1787, 同上。, XIII, 394–395; “A True American,” Mas-
sachusetts Centinel, 29 Sept. 1787, 同上。, XIII, 267; Philadelphia Independent Gazetteer, 22 八月.
1787, 同上。, XIII, 189; “A Jerseyman: To the Citizens of New Jersey,” Trenton Mercury, 6 十一月.
1787, 同上。, 三、, 146–151; Philadelphia Independent Gazetteer, 5 可能 1788, 同上。, XVII, 386.
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 55
ceedingly sorry, sir, that our rule of naturalization excluded a sin-
gle person . . . [WHO] would be a real addition to the wealth and
strength of the United States.” Lawrence, a representative from
纽约, thoroughly agreed.28
相似地, in an often-cited legislative report from the 1790s,
Hamilton linked the wealth generated from immigration to na-
国家安全. His “Report on Manufacturers” recommended
that Congress “open every possible avenue to emigration from
abroad.” Because foreigners were “an important resource, 不是
only for extending the population . . . but likewise for the prose-
cution of manufactures,” he proposed to offer them inducements
to come to America, such as an exemption from taxes, 这是
necessary because the “security of [这] Country appears[s] 成为
materially connected with the prosperity of manufactures.” Ham-
ilton believed so strongly in this maxim that he sent agents to
Scotland on his own accord to attract skilled immigrants.29
anti-immigration sentiment According to many scholars,
anti-immigrant sentiment was rife during the early Republic,
stirred primarily by “nativist” and xenophobic attitudes. 但是这个
perspective misses part of the story. As evident during key policy-
making sessions, as well in private letters, the anti-immigrant sen-
timent was primarily a result of security concerns. The founders,
尤其, repeatedly warned that immigration could expose
the nation to foreign spies, cause certain regions to separate from
the Confederation, and disrupt society through ethnic and racial
暴力, like the slave revolts that had occurred in Haiti and other
Caribbean islands.30
Events occurring in and around the Confederation gave the
founders good reason to be circumspect about immigrants. 期间
the Revolutionary War, British authorities had set up an extensive
(at least by eighteenth-century standards) intelligence system, 在-
cluding espionage networks comprised of colonists who remained
loyal to the Crown. As one West Point scholar wrote, British co-
28 麦迪逊, Annals of Congress, 1st Congress, 2nd session, 1150; John Lawrence, Annals of
国会, 1st Congress, 2nd session, 1154.
29 汉密尔顿, “Report on Manufacturers,” 十二月 5, 1791; Zolberg, Nation by Design,
70.
30 On “nativist” sentiment, see Higham, Strangers in the Land; Garis, Immigration Restriction,
22–27.
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56 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
vert operations were so advanced by the 1780s that leaders were
able to pinpoint the “locations and strengths of rebel units, identi-
ties of rebel commanders, the placement and construction of sup-
ply depots, locations of general ofªcers and militia posts, 活动
near British lines, troop movements, enemy intentions, and stand-
ing orders.” Conceivably, the British government could have sent
immigrants after Independence to reinforce this pre-existing un-
derground network to conduct operations against the country.31
Soon after the Revolutionary War, Thomson, long-time sec-
retary of the Continental Congress, wrote to Franklin in private
that immigrants could pose a security threat. He feared, in particu-
拉尔,
到
that Britain would seek revenge by using foreigners
inªltrate America: “There is no doubt but Britain will watch for
advantages . . . and that every thing will be attempted and every
artiªce used, which malice can suggest, to break our connection
with France and to sow dissensions among the states. The easy ac-
cess which foreigners have to these states and the ready reception
they meet with afford favourable opportunities of putting their arts
在实践中. . . . I think it therefore highly necessary both for
France and America to be on their guard and not suffer themselves
to be duped by the arts of their common enemy.”32
This concern was not uncommon. At the Constitutional
习俗, Gerry, a Massachusetts delegate, observed, “Foreign
powers will intermeddle in our affairs. Persons having foreign at-
tachments will be sent among us & insinuate into our councils, 在
order to be made instruments for their purposes. Every one knows
the vast sums laid out in Europe for secret services.” Other dele-
gates feared that immigrant “spies” would breach the American
political system. As George Mason commented, “A rich foreign
国家, for example Great Britain, might send over her tools who
might bribe their way into the Legislature for insidious purposes.”
管家, Pinckney, and Morris, all prominent founders, expressed
similar viewpoints.33
Jay, in his capacity secretary of foreign affairs, and Washing-
31 Roger Kaplan, “The Hidden War: British Intelligence Operations during the American
革命,” William and Mary Quarterly, XLVII (1990), 115–138 (quotation, 124).
32 Charles Thomson to Franklin, 八月 13, 1784, in Giunta (编辑。), FRUS, 二, 426–427.
33 Elbridge Gerry, 八月 13, 1787, in Farrand (编辑。), Records of the Federal Convention of
1787, 二, 268; 石匠, 八月 8, 1787, 同上。, 二, 216; Charles Pinkney, 八月 9, 1787, 同上。, 二,
235; Pierce Butler, 八月 9, 1787, 同上。, 二, 236; 莫里斯, 八月 9, 1787, 同上。, 二, 235, 237–
238.
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 57
吨, who supervised covert operations for the colonies during the
Revolutionary War, were particularly concerned about foreign es-
pionage. “Permit me to hint,” Jay wrote in private to the former
一般的, “whether it would not be wise & seasonable to provide a
strong check to the admission of Foreigners into the administra-
tion of our national Government.” “The Command in chief of
the American army,” he added, “shall not be given to, nor devolve
在, any but a natural born Citizen.” Clarifying what leaders like Jay
meant by this statement, and indicating that these fears were more
pervasive throughout society than is commonly thought, a writer
for the Massachusetts Centinel warned, “In case of a war” [恩-
emy] will derive from this continent, many valuable men amongst
us.” This prediction, the writer noted, was “founded on our own
经验,” referring to British use of loyalists during the late
war.34
The debate about the Naturalization Act of 1790 saw many
congressmen warning that granting rapid citizenship to immi-
grants could jeopardize national security. A Pennsylvania repre-
sentative advised that “some security for [immigrants’] ªdelity and
allegiance” was necessary to protect the nation. 伯克, a South
Carolinian representative, argued that “some residence is re-
quired” for an immigrant to become a citizen; 否则, “in large
城市, like Boston, 纽约, or Philadelphia, an election” may
come under the inºuence of foreigners at the expense of the na-
tional interest. Jackson of Georgia expressed one of the most in-
triguing security concerns during the debate, “The whole West-
ern Territory [可以] be purchased up by the inhabitants of
England, 法国, or other foreign nations[.] [时间]he landholders
might combine and send out a large tenantry” to usurp these lands
from America. His recommendation was that a “person owing
no allegiance to a Sovereign ought not to hold lands under its
保护, because he cannot be called upon and obliged to give
that support which invasion or insurrection may render neces-
sary.”35
spy network during the Revolutionary War,
34 On Washington’s
see Morton
Pennypacker, George Washington’s Spies: In Long Island and New York (布鲁克林, 1939). Jay to
华盛顿, 七月 25, 1787, in Farrand (编辑。), Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, 三、, 61;
“The Republican Federalist VI,” Massachusetts Centinel, 2 Feb. 1788,
in Kaminski and
Saladino (编辑。), Documentary History, V, 844.
35 Hartley, Annals of Congress, 1st Congress, 2nd session, 1147–1148, 1151–1152; Aedanus
伯克, Annals of Congress, 1st Congress, 2nd session, 1160; James Jackson, Annals of Congress, 1st
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58 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
The founders also worried that other parts of the Confedera-
tion would follow the example of New Connecticut (now Ver-
蒙特), and Franklin (now part of Tennessee), which declared in-
dependence and formed sovereign nations. Washington thought
that if foreign immigrants “form[编辑] commercial intercourses . . .
with the Spaniards on their right rear, or the British on their
左边, they will become a distinct people from us—have different
views—different interests, [和] instead of adding strength to
the Union, [会] in case of a rupture with either of those
权力, be a formidable [和] dangerous neighbour.” Mon-
roe imagined foreign immigrants in the West causing the entire
region to “separate from the Confederacy, so as effectually to
exclude any new State from it.” Foreign leaders also recognized
that the Americans could lose the West, and perhaps sensed an
opportunity.36
Not unlike the political alarm about the possibility of losing
the West or the general insecurity about the risks of foreign migra-
的, the terror about slave revolts was unrelenting in the South.
毕竟, the leaders of the Revolution in Sant-Domingue (现在
Haiti) had successfully overthrown the French government there.
Governor Pinckney of South Carolina wrote in private that the
国会, 2nd session, 1161; William Smith, Annals of Congress, 1st Congress, 2nd session,
1150–1151. The naturalization law of 1790 provided that “all free white persons” who have
immigrated to the United States and resided in the country “for two whole years shall be enti-
tled to all the rights of citizenship.” As several immigration scholars have observed, 这是,
by any comparison, a “liberal” and “generous” naturalization law. Kettner, Development of
American Citizenship, 236; Tichenor, Dividing Lines, 53. The debate about the naturalization
bill of 1790 was similar to that in the Federal Convention: The representatives wanted to en-
courage immigration to spur growth but also protect the nation from foreign harm and con-
spiracies. Franklin, Legislative History, 38.
36 On Vermont, see Onuf, Origins of the Federal Republic; on Franklin, Samuel Cole Wil-
liams, History of the Lost State of Franklin ( Johnson City, 1924). Washington to Knox, Decem-
误码率 5, 1784, in Abbot and Twohig (编辑。), Papers of George Washington, 二, 171; Washington to
Governor Benjamin Harris on October 10, 1784. 同上。, 二, 89–99; Monroe to Patrick Henry,
八月 12, 1786, in William Wirt Henry (编辑。), Patrick Henry: Life, Correspondence, and Speeches,
(纽约, 1969), 二, 296–297; Monroe to Madison, 八月 14, 1786, in Rutland and
Rachal (编辑。), Papers of James Madison, IX, 104; King to Gerry, 六月 4, 1786, in King (编辑。), Life
and Correspondence of Rufus King, 我, 175–179. For comments by foreign leaders, see Charles
Gravier, comte de Vergennes to François Barbé-Marbois, 可能 10, 1785, in Giunta (编辑。),
FRUS, 二, 624–626; Marbois to Vergennes, 二月 23, 1785, 同上。, 二, 560–562; Don Diego
María de Gardoqui to José Moñino y Redondo, conde de Floridablanca, 八月 23, 1785,
同上。, 二, 764–767.
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 59
Black Republic of Haiti has lit “a ºame which will extend to the
neighboring islands, and may eventually prove not a very pleasing
or agreeable example to the Southern States.” Jamaican slaves had
attempted revolts in 1730, 1769, 和 1776, and American slaves
had planned and/or caused similar upheavals dating back to the
colonial era. The presumption was that the origin of, and solution
到, the threat lay partly in the nation’s immigration policies; 这
fact that imported slaves outnumbered foreign white immigrants
in many areas of the South heightened the risk of revolt.37
The founders’ attitudes about immigrants coming to the states
have much to say about U.S. immigration policy. Their views
about British and Haitian “terrorism” is eerily similar to those ex-
pressed by American politicians today, suggesting that the chal-
lenges that the United States currently face concerning immigra-
tion are not new.
superpower interaction with regard to immigration The
founders revealed themselves to be deeply sensitive to the security
components of migration policy. But were their fears about immi-
gration based on actual foreign threats? European leaders certainly
made persistent attempts to retard migration ºows to the thirteen
状态, imposing emigration bans on certain classes of people, 亲-
scribing written propaganda by promotion agents, spreading pam-
phlets that depicted American life negatively, and signiªcantly in-
creasing travel costs for immigrants.38
Were these actions taken because foreign powers were appre-
hensive about rising American power? Bond, the British consul in
费城, wrote to the foreign ofªce of Great Britain, “I have
great satisfaction in observing that the spirit of migration has of late
years remitted exceedingly. Still however numbers do arrive upon
this continent annually; particularly from Ireland.” A few days
之后, he outlined just how his country should check “the rage for
emigration” to the United States, explaining that “the distracted
37
See Matthewson, A Proslavery Foreign Policy: Haitian-American Relations During the Early
共和国 (韦斯特波特, 2003) (Pinckney’s quotation, 22–23); Rucker, River Flows On, 17–119.
38 On attempts by European leaders to restrict emigration to America, see Brite, “Attitude
of European States,” 195–224; Maldwyn A. 琼斯, “The Background to Emigration from
Great Britain in the Nineteenth Century,” Perspectives in American History, VII (1973), 12;
Zolberg, Nation by Design, 60, 103–107.
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60 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
situation of the United States affords a most favorable opportunity
to encourage migrations from hence into Canada” and that Britain
should therefore issue a “promulgation of the terms and advan-
tages of settlement” in Canada to entice “laborious sober people
[到] remove into a country where they can enjoy once again the
blessings of his Majesty’s Government.”39
Though gratiªed by Britain’s measures to stop the emigration
of “artiªcers from Great Britain and Ireland” to the United States,
Bond also ventured that the British Crown should pay the travel
expenses for any of its former citizens, particularly artisans, WHO
would journey back across the Atlantic to their home country:
“[它] would be but a small national expenditure productive of a
great national beneªt—for thus numbers would be reclaimed.”
Attempts to curb emigration from Britain, 然而, 不是
成功的. A frustrated Bond was eventually to lament, “The pas-
senger trade from Great Britain and Ireland is a constant source of
population and advantage for this country . . . we suffer a severe
depopulation and America derives vast beneªt from it.”40
The British were not alone in their misgivings about increas-
ing the American population. Rendón, the future Spanish Intend-
ente in the New World, explained to Governor Bernardo de Gál-
vez of Louisiana that “enmity between the [United States and
西班牙]” was brewing on the western frontier about control of the
Mississippi. He counseled Spain to negotiate immediately because
“The American population . . . is multiplying so rapidly that the
settlement called Kentucky alone has added thirty thousand souls
. . . and emigration from the . . . many families from Europe is
continuing.” Otherwise, he warned, “His Majesty’s possessions”
would soon endure “very disagreeable results.” Barbé-Marbois of
法国, who would later negotiate the Louisiana Purchase as min-
ister of ªnance under Napoleon, noticed the tension between
Spain and the United States, but he could not envision a peaceful
compromise; 反而, he reported that Spain was actively trying to
“impede” the growth of American settlements by sending soldiers
39 Phineas Bond to Lord Carmarthen, 十一月 16, 1788, in Giunta (编辑。), FRUS, 三、,
868–870; Bond to Evan Nepean, 十一月 16, 1788, 同上。, 三、, 870–874.
40 Bond to Nepean, 十一月 16, 1788, 同上。, 三、, 870–874; George Miller to Carmarthen,
十一月 30, 1788, 同上。, 889–892; Bond to Lord Grenville, 九月 10, 1791, in Edith
Abbott (编辑。), Historical Aspects of the Immigration Problem (芝加哥, 1926), 222; Bond to
Grenville, 十一月 23, 1794, 同上。, 222–223.
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 61
to its North American posts: “New Orleans and the Posts of the
Floridas are being considerably reinforced, a thousand men have
recently been sent there from Havana.”41
According to Mearsheimer, “Great powers not only seek to
gain power over their rivals, they also aim to prevent those foes
from gaining power at their expense.” The reaction of foreign
leaders to mass migration to the United States provides strong sup-
port for his claim: Whereas American leaders attempted to attract
immigrants to strengthen their nation, foreign leaders attempted to
prevent them. The interaction of great powers with regard to
North American immigration offers insight into the forces under-
lying U.S. immigration policy.42
The ªndings of this article have a direct bearing on the existing
historical and theoretical literature about U.S. immigration policy,
as well as on contemporary policymaking. That security factored
more prominently into early U.S. immigration policy than schol-
ars recognize warrants against the popular myth that the founders
opened the nation’s borders for ideological and moral reasons.
Support for this traditional claim comes frequently from such pub-
lic pronouncements as Washington’s declaration to newly arrived
Irish immigrants in 1783, “The bosom of America is open to re-
ceive not only the Opulent and respectable Stranger, but the op-
pressed and persecuted of all Nations and Religions.” But an anal-
ysis of what the founders said in private contexts, including letters
to trusted friends and colleagues, suggests that the true record has
been distorted in favor of “images that glorify the past.” Contrary
to romantic notions of the American founding, the founders wel-
comed foreigners to the United States partly to increase wealth
and military strength within a competitive international system.43
American political leaders throughout the nineteenth and the
41 Francisco Rendón to Don José de Gálvez, 二月 12, 1785, in Giunta (编辑。), frus, 二,
551–552; François Barbé-Marbois to Vergennes, 二月 23, 1785, in ibid., 二, 560–562;
Vergennes to Marbois, 可能 10, 1785, 同上。, 624–626.
42 米尔斯海默, Tragedy of Great Power Politics, 155, 157.
43 For the Washington quotation, see n. 21. On U.S. public opinion of immigration, 看
Nancy Foner, “Immigrant Commitment to America, Then and Now: Myths and Realties,”
Citizenship Studies, V (2001), 27–39; Kenneth K. 李, Huddled Masses, Muddled Laws: 为什么
Contemporary Immigration Policy Fails to Reºect Public Opinion (韦斯特波特, 1998). Rudolph,
“Globalization and Security,” 5, and Holliªeld, “The Politics of International Migration:
How Can We ‘Bring the State Back In?” in Caroline B. Brettell and idem (编辑。), Migration
理论: Talking Across Disciplines (纽约, 2000), 152, argue that the security dynamic of
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62 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
twentieth centuries upheld the founders’ view of security as an
important component to immigration policy. During the Civil
战争, President Lincoln declared immigration to be “one of the
principal replenishing streams, which are appointed by Providence
to repair the ravages of internal war, and its wastes of national
strength and health.” He approved one of the only direct federal
efforts to recruit foreigners to the United States. During the early
years of the Cold War, a private memorandum by the National
Security Council suggested that the Refugee Relief Act of 1953,
packaged to the public as a humanitarian gesture, was actually in-
tended to “encourage the defection of all USSR nations and ‘key’
personnel from the satellite countries,” thus to “inºict a psycho-
logical blow on communism.” Soon after the attacks of September
11th, a government spokesman stated the obvious, “The current
terrorist threat to the United States comes almost exclusively from
individuals who arrive from abroad.” The secondary literature
on immigration policy provides evidence that security factored
into most, if not all, of the signiªcant pieces of immigration legis-
lation throughout U.S. 历史, including the recent bills proposed
in Congress concerning border policy. A comprehensive analysis
我们. immigration from the nation’s founding until the present
day could be undertaken proªtably to analyze its security dimen-
sion.44
The existing theories of immigration policy primarily use
经济的, 文化, geographical, ideological, and interest-group
factors to explain national behavior. Few of these works integrate
the role of the international system and security into their research
议程. 然而, Holliªeld, Lemay, Meyers, Rudolph, Tichenor,
Tietelbaumb, 韦纳, and Zolberg suggest that international vari-
ables play a critical role in migration policy, as they did when the
immigration has been neglected because scholars consider international migration to be “low”
(social and economic) rather than “high” (军队) 政治.
44 Abraham Lincoln, “State of the Union Address, 1864” (十二月, 1864), http://
www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid?29505 (六月访问 10, 2005). For the quota-
tion regarding the Refugee Relief Act, see Rudolph, 国家安全, 48; for the quotation
regarding September 11, Zolberg, “Guarding the Gates,” in Craig Calhoun, Paul Price, 和
Ashley Timmer (编辑。), Understanding September 11 (纽约, 2002), 285; for secondary liter-
ature explicitly connecting security to U.S. immigration policy, see Meyers, International Im-
migration Policy;
for secondary
idem, 国家安全; Zolberg, “Guarding the Gates”;
literature implicitly supporting a security interpretation, Tichenor, Dividing Lines; Zolberg,
Nation By Design.
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NATIONAL S ECURIT Y A ND U.S. IM MI GR AT ION POLICY | 63
founders of the United States made their observations about im-
migration and security.45
The analysis herein also corroborates Rudolph’s theory of
immigration policy, which focuses primarily on security as a de-
terminant. A state’s perception of geopolitical threat, 他认为,
can account for its border policy. 然而, because this variable
cannot predict how and when a state will react to external threat.
Rudolph incorporates “ideas”—neoclassical economic beliefs, 已经-
理性主义, and xenophobia—as intervening factors to help his
model to make accurate predictions of policy. Ideas, 然而, 是
difªcult to measure and manipulate. The ªndings herein offer
more concrete ways to structure the security components under-
lying state immigration policy—ethnic assimilation, 经济的
strength, espionage, border security, 人口, manpower for
the armed forces, and terrorism.46
Huntington and Schlesinger predict that today’s rapidly accel-
international migration and immigration policy, 看
45 For an excellent overview of
Holliªeld, “Politics of International Migration,” 137–186. For examples of cultural and ideo-
logical theories, see David Jacobson, Rights Across Borders: Immigration and the Decline of Citi-
禅宗 (巴尔的摩, 1996), 8–13; Debra DeLaet, 我们. Immigration Policy in an Age of Rights
(韦斯特波特, 2000); for examples of economic and International Political Economy theories,
Holliªeld, “Migration, Trade, and the Nation-State”; Alan Kessler, “Guarded Gates: Factor
移动性, Domestic Coalitions, and the Political Economy of American Immigration Con-
控制,” unpub. 博士. diss. (加州大学, 天使们, 1999), 12–17, 20–52; 对于前任-
amples of social and interest-group theories, 弗里曼, “Modes of Immigration Politics in
Liberal Democratic States,” International Migration Review, CXXIX (1995), 881–902; LeMay,
From Open Door to Dutch Door, xiv–xv; for a political geography theory, Jeanette Money,
Fences and Neighbors: The Political Geography of Immigration Control (伊萨卡岛, 1999); for discus-
sions of international migration within international systems, Holliªeld, Immigrants, Markets,
and States, 19–41; idem, “Migration, Trade, and the Nation-State”; Lemay, Guarding the Gates;
Rudolph, “Globalization and Security”; idem. National Security and Immigration; idem, “Secu-
rity and the Political Economy of International Migration”; Teitelbaum and Weiner (编辑。),
Threatened Peoples, Threatened Borders; Tichenor, Dividing Lines, 9–10, 43–45; 韦纳, 全球的
Migration Crisis; Zolberg, Nation by Design, 11–14.
46 Rudolph’s theory purports to show that neoclassical economic and nationalist ideas cause
a state to enact “open” policies during times of high geopolitical threat because robust eco-
nomic production, sparked in part by immigrant labor, is thought necessary for strength and
安全, and because citizens feel a sense of commonality in the face of external threat, 麦-
ing them less disposed to exclusionary thoughts. Neoclassical economic and xenophobic ideas
cause a state to enact “closed” policies during times of low geopolitical threat because the state
is less concerned with the economic components of security, and because xenophobic ten-
dencies are likely to manifest absent a motive for citizens to unite. Rudolph’s theory applies
primarily to postwar U.S. immigration policy, not necessarily across the board. 尽管如此,
Rudolph’s model provides an excellent foundation for thinking about U.S. immigration pol-
icy, identifying three main security components in the postwar period—terrorism, immigrant
劳动, and assimilating diverse ethnicities (Rudolph, 国家安全, 11–40).
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64 | ROBBIE TOTTEN
erated international migration—the “global migration crisis”—
will pose one of the twenty-ªrst century’s greatest security chal-
伦格斯. 我们. policymakers will have to contend with the effect of
immigration on the nation’s economy, ethnic assimilation, 和
恐怖主义, 除其他事项外. Will the United States be able to
prevent terrorists from entering the country’s porous borders, 在-
tract the immigrant labor to compete in a global economy, 和
develop programs to assimilate diverse immigrant groups without
creating domestic insecurity? As this article’s survey of the nation’s
early immigration policy shows, these challenges are not unique to
the twenty-ªrst century.47
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47 On the migration crisis, see Arthur Schlesinger, The Disuniting of America: Reºections on a
Multicultural Society (纽约, 1992), 10; 塞缪尔·P. 亨廷顿, “The West: Unique, 不是
Universal,“ 外交事务, LXXV (1996), 28–46; Holliªeld, “Politics of International Migra-
的,” 139–141; 韦纳, Global Migration Crisis; on the challenge of diverting terrorists, Gra-
ham Allison, Nuclear Terrorism: The Ultimate Preventable Catastrophe (纽约, 2004); Otis L.
Graham, 小。, Unguarded Gates: A History of America’s Immigration Crisis (拉纳姆, 2004);
Rudolph, “Globalization and Security,” 28–29; Zolberg, Nation by Design, 442; on modern
恐怖主义, Max Abrahms, “Why Terrorism Does Not Work,” 国际安全, XXXI
(2006), 42–78; on the geopolitical importance of attracting labor, Marc Rosenblum, “High-
Skilled Immigration and the U.S. 国家利益,” in Wayne A. Cornelius, 托马斯·J.
Espenshade, and Idean Salehyan (编辑。), The International Migration of the Highly Skilled (桑
Diego, 2001), 373–400; Michael Peter Smith and Adrian Favell (编辑。), The Human Face of
Global Mobility: International Highly Skilled Migration in Europe, 北美, and the Asia-
Paciªc (New Brunswick, 2006); Rudolph, “Globalization and Security,” 12; on assimilating
移民, Geroge F. Kennan, Around the Cragged Hill: A Personal and Political Philosophy
(纽约, 1993), 152; Holliªeld, “Politics of International Migration,” 151–162; Hunting-
吨, Who Are We? The Challenge to America’s National Identity (纽约, 2004), 158–181;
Cheryl Shanks, Immigration and the Politics of American Sovereignty, 1890–1990 (安娜堡,
2000); Rudolph, “Globalization and Security,” 20, 22; Roger Waldinger, “Transforming For-
eigners into Americans,” in Mary C. Waters and Ueda (编辑。), The New Americans: A Guide to
Immigration since 1965 (纽约, 2007), 137–148; idem, “The Bounded Community: Turn-
ing Foreigners into Americans in Twenty-First Century L.A.,” Ethnic and Racial Studies, XXX
(2007), 341–374.
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