In the Name of Human
Adaptation: Japanese
American “Hybrid
Children” and Racial
Anthropology in
Postwar Japan

Jaehwan Hyun
Pusan National University,
韩国

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By focusing on the emergence and integration of “hybrid children” (konketsuji)
anthropology into the Human Adaptability section of the International Biolog-
ical Program (HA-IBP) in Japan during the 1950s and 1970s, 这篇论文
presents how transnational dynamics and mechanisms played out in shaping and
maintaining the racist aspects while simultaneously allowed them to be included
in the HA-IBP framework. It argues that Japanese anthropologists operated a
double play between their national and transnational spaces, 那是, they atten-
uated racist aspects of their research in their international activities while
authenticating race in their national work. This paper will conclude with reflec-
tions on the transnational nationalism of konketsuji anthropology.

介绍

1.
In September 1965, Suda Akiyoshi (1900–1990), anthropologist at the
University of Tokyo, reported a 15-year observation of physical growth
in “American-Japanese hybrid children” at an international symposium
on human adaptability held in Kyoto, Japan.1 The term “hybrid children”

I wish to thank Ageliki Lefkadti, Amir Teicher, Edna Suárez Díaz, Elise K. Burton, Iris Clever,
Jon Røyne Kyllingstad, Ricardo Roque, Soraya de Chadarevian, Thiago Pinto Barbosa, 和
the anonymous referees for their insightful suggestions. Thanks also to Cathleen Paethe and
Ruth Kessentini for helping me consult archival materials in and outside of the MPWIG.
This work was supported by a 2-Year Research Grant from Pusan National University.

1. All Korean and Japanese names in this article are listed surname first, 其次是
the given name. I transliterate names following the persons’ preferences as stated in their
English written publications.

科学观点 2022, 卷. 30, 不. 1
© 2022 由麻省理工学院

https://doi.org/10.1162/posc_a_00406

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168

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

was an English translation of konketsuji, a derogatory reference used to
describe the Japanese children of US soldiers stationed in Japan, particu-
larly during the US military occupation in 1945–1952. In this report,
Suda had no qualms about using racist terms such as “Negro hybrids”
and “pure Japanese” to classify his research subjects. His conclusion
seemed traditionally eugenicist, if not racist: “The larger teeth or the
smaller jaws, is basically responsible for such a disharmony in the dental
arch of the Negro hybrids” (Suda, Kondo, and Sato 1966).

Previous literature has considered Suda’s konketsuji anthropology as a
belated, isolated eugenic enterprise occurring in a non-Western country.2
例如, historians Sakano (2009) and Roebuck (2015) have specu-
lated that Suda’s remarks were based on the “disharmony” theory devised
by American eugenicist Charles Davenport (1866–1944) and refuted by
American anthropologist Harry L. 夏皮罗 (1902–1990) before World
第二次世界大战. In examining the prewar history of race mixing studies in Hawaii,
historian Warwick Anderson points out that, 在美国, already
in the 1930s race mixing was no longer considered a “compelling biolog-
ical problem” (安德森 2012, p. 104).3 This story fits well in the com-
mon account of a postwar transition from scientific racism to population
genetic research on human difference, which coincided with the fall of
Nazi Germany (Stephan 1982; Barkan 1992). Along this line, previous
scholars have overlooked the effect that internationally shared scientific
inquiry might have had on Suda’s interest in konketsuji studies domestic,
ideological concerns with pure-blood nationalism in Japan. 的确, 和
the end of Allied occupation in 1952, the Japanese government tried to
build a new nation-state based on the mythical idea of the Japanese nation
bound by a unified bloodline (Oguma 2002). 在此背景下, the mixed-
血 (konketsu) of the “Negro hybrid children” was considered to pose a
threat to postwar nation-building due to its potential to disintegrate the
pure bloodline of Japan ( junketsu) (Roebuck 2016). Reacting to this
nationalistic response to konketsuji, Suda and other Japanese intellectuals
turned their attention to the study of children’s race mixing (Sakano
2009; Roebuck 2015).

Recent literature exploring postwar human diversity studies has
renewed race mixture studies as well as the common account. 期限
“population” newly suggested by postwar geneticists and anthropologists

2.

In historical literature in Japanese eugenics, the postwar continuance of prewar
eugenic thought and practices has been widely reported (Zenji 1983; Schaffner 2014;
Yokoyama 2015).

3. Caballero and Aspinall (2018) describe that biological discussions on and interests

in race-crossing seem to have stabilized and come to an end in the mid-1960s.

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科学观点

169

was in fact a new race concept, set in the same problematic framework,
despite their official rejection of racism (Reardon 2005). This applies
not only to the race concept itself, but also the research methods and con-
ceptual tools used in prewar race science that were maintained in postwar
human population studies (Lipphardt 2014). The role of the International
Biological Program (IBP, 1964–1974), the global research initiative to col-
lect and standardize biological data from all living organisms, in allowing
the reintroduction of race concepts to science, has been newly addressed as
well.4 The Human Adaptability section of the IBP (HA-IBP) was the first
worldwide study of human variation and thus crucial in shaping the
research direction in various fields of human biology from the 1960s
onwards. In their HA-IBP projects US anthropologists and geneticists
focused on so-called “primitive” peoples and race concepts returned to sci-
ence as a result of their research process (Radin 2018). This reintroduction
was enabled by the practical and epistemic rationale of the global project:
the HA-IBP leaders, who collected and summarized the heterogeneous
dataset using different racial and ethnic categories from around the world,
instrumentally maintained “the agnosticism towards the ontological sta-
tus” of those categories (Molina 2017, p. 657). This allowed them to
facilitate international collaboration instead of becoming embroiled in
interminable arguments regarding the reality of race concepts.

同时, echoing with a renewed account of the postwar shift of
racial thinking, the postwar history of anthropological and genetic research
in Lusophone and Spanish speaking countries has challenged the narrative
of the postwar decline of race mixture studies. In Brazil and Mexico, 在哪里
race mixture (mestizaje in Spanish and mestiçagem in Portuguese) was central
to the narration of their historical nation formation, scientists carried out
race mixing studies intensively (Wade 2017; 安德森, Roque, and Santos
2019; de Souza and Santos 2014; Dent and Santos 2019).

This paper revisits the history of konkestuji anthropology by paying par-
ticular attention to the transnational dimension of the postwar Japanese
研究, engaging with the global historiography as described above.5
The previous literature on konketsuji anthropology has overlooked its inter-
行动, albeit equivocal, with a transnational research initiative in human
variation. Suda’s seemingly outdated eugenic work was published in the
context of an international workshop titled “Human Adaptability and
Its Methodology” sponsored by the HA-IBP ( Yoshimura and Weiner
1966). Rather than outdated, Suda’s paper was part of the cutting-edge

4.
5.

For the general account of the IBP, see Aronova et al. 2010.
For the use of the term “transnational,” see the introduction of this issue. 也可以看看

Turchetti, Herran, and Boudia (2012) and Krige (2019).

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170

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

workshop looking for the transnational enterprise’s common research
topics and approaches. 此外, his students later developed a konket-
suji research project within the HA-IBP framework of physical growth
studies and successfully integrated into the global initiative by initiating
a bilateral cooperation project with US physiologists in the early 1970s.
This old, Japanese scientist was not alone in committing to the race mix-
ture studies at that time.

另一方面, some parts of Suda’s work would certainly have been
considered unacceptable by “mainstream” contemporary race mixing stud-
ies since his interpretation seemed to attest to the negative effects of mis-
cegenation. For postwar anthropologists and geneticists supporting the
revised UNESCO statement on the Nature of Race and Race Differences
在 1951, race mixing was officially considered biologically “at worst harm-
less” (Provine 1973, p. 796). 尤其, in the context of the rise of the
civil rights movement in the United States, leading anthropologists and
geneticists in the HA-IBP took an anti-racist position claiming for the
non-harmfulness of miscegenation (Radin 2018, p. 494). 换句话说,
publicly, these scientists were anti-racists within the contemporary context
of race politics but in their science they maintained their racialist beliefs in
the biological existence of racial differences.6 From their perspective,
Suda’s conclusion about the “disharmony” of hybrid children’s teeth would
have echoed racist claims. Given the complicated circumstances, 一些
questions are raised: if Suda’s pessimistic view of miscegenation was not
shared by contemporary race mixing researchers, where did it come from?
Were pure-blood nationalist and eugenic concerns about konketsuji in post-
war Japan the only rationale driving Suda and his colleagues to maintain
such a negative view? 此外, how did Suda and his Japanese
colleagues cope with the tension created by their own and their foreign
collaborators’ conflicting viewpoints toward race mixing?

By focusing on the emergence and integration of konketsuji anthropol-
ogy into the HA-IBP programs, this paper presents how transnational
dynamics and mechanisms played out in shaping and maintaining the rac-
ist aspects while simultaneously allowed them to be included in the
HA-IBP framework. It argues that Japanese anthropologists operated a
double play between their domestic (or national) and transnational
spaces—that is, they attenuated racist aspects of their research in their
international activities while authenticating race in their national work.

6.

I follow Staffan Müller-Wille’s distinction between racialism and racism while
taking the first as racial realism, not necessarily entailing racist ideas such as racial hierar-
chies (Müller-Wille 2014). Brattain (2007) 索赔, on the contrary, that scientists’ racialist
attitude allowed scientific racism to re-emerge in public discourse in the United States.

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科学观点

171

The Japanese scientists were eager to promote transnational collaboration
in order to save national science from wartime isolationism and to move
toward later being recognized as “model” members of international sci-
恩斯. 同时地, they wanted to maintain their traditional under-
standing of human differences as it fitted with the pure-blood ideology
widespread in postwar Japan. These contradictory tendencies led them
to using a double-play—distinguishing linguistically, depending on the
context and publication language—in their national and international
writings.7

In order to discuss the above point, this paper proceeds in the following
命令. It first presents konketsuji as they were initially considered and the
so-called nisei—Japanese immigrant children living in the Americas and
Japanese colonial territories—in a growth studies context from the prewar
时期. It also looks into the way in which both terms became exclusively
used to refer to Japanese-American children and what the impact of the
change to initiating konkestuji research was in the postwar period. 第二,
it illuminates how Suda’s interaction with American racist anthropologists
continued to shape his postwar research throughout the 1950s. 第三, 它
observes the way in which his successors integrated konketsuji anthropology
into the HA-IBP program via the double-play that manifested in the
difference between their publications in different languages. A flexible
use of the term “human adaptation” was one of the sources that Japanese
anthropology could link to the transnational initiative while allowing
Japanese researchers to maintain racist typologies and a negative view of
miscegenation.

2.
From Children for Imperial Eugenics to Children of Occupation Soldiers
In imperial Japan, race mixing was a hotbed of eugenic debate but not
necessarily with negative connotations. When eugenic thoughts took a
place in 1880s’ Japan, Japanese intellectuals suggested race mixing
between the Japanese and white races as a way of improving Japanese phy-
siques. Some Japanese popularizers even believed that miscegenation
between “biologically similar races would be eugenically superior to both
original populations,” so that after Japan colonized Korea in 1910, 他们
actively promoted intermarriages between the Japanese and colonial Asians
(Hyun 2019, p. 493). Their support of racial mixing was in harmony
with the Japanese assimilation policy (dōka seisaku), which was more

7.

It would be another version of transnational isolationism that historian Ricardo
Roque suggests in his case study of the postwar enterprise of Portuguese anthropobiology.
See Roque, in this issue.

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172

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

officially promoted after nationwide anti-Japanese protests in colonial
Korea in 1919.

It wasn’t until the 1930s that eugenic concerns about race mixing were
seriously raised. It corresponded with the period when colonial Korean and
Taiwanese jobseekers moved in great numbers to mainland Japan and the
number of colonial konketsuji increased significantly as a result of the
Japanese Empire’s decade-long assimilation policy as mentioned above.
It coincided with the establishment of the Japanese Society of Racial
Hygiene (nippon minzoku eisei gakkai) and its academic journal Minzoku Eisei
在 1930. Although some popular eugenicists still maintained their support
of the eugenic benefits of race mixing, eugenicists in the society with
anthropology backgrounds decided to perform physical and intellectual
tests on konketsuji to scientifically assess the potential threat of miscegena-
tion to the Japanese race (Hyun 2019, PP. 493–494).

Ishihara Fusao (1883–1974) was the central figure, devoting his aca-
demic life to studying the physical growth of konketsuji.8 Ishihara was a
graduate of and former professor in the Department of Hygiene at Tokyo
Imperial University Medical School. He sat on the editorial board for
Minzoku Eisei in 1930 and set scientific research on konketsuji born to
Japanese colonizers and colonized Asians as one of the most urgent scien-
tific issues for his journal (Ishihara 1964). According to him, the physical
and intellectual development of konketsuji should be monitored to gauge
the influence of miscegenation on the quality of the Japanese racial stock.
Ishihara was able to put it into practice when, 在 1933, he was appointed
Director of Tokyo Metropolitan Hygienic Institute, a governmental agency
responsible for public health and hygiene practices in the metropolis.
Exercising his governmental power to scrutinize Tokyo residents in the
name of public hygiene, Ishihara kept records on the children born to
colonial Chinese men and Japanese women living in the Tokyo area. 他
measured their bodies and compared the data with that taken from “pure
Japanese” children. Ishihara and his colleague concluded that there was no
decisive evidence of physical and intellectual degeneration for the colonial
konketsuji. They supposed that the biggest problem might be the children’s
lack of patriotism in the wartime context (Ishihara and Sato 1941).

Previous literature on the history of konketsuji research has overlooked
that Ishihara had already taken physical measurements of nisei living in
Hawaii and California much earlier. 从 1930 在, with help from

8. The Japanese surname “石原” can be pronounced in two ways: Ishiwara and
Ishihara. Although Roebuck (2015) chose “Ishiwara” for his name’s transliteration, 这里
I use “Ishihara” because “Ishihara Fusao” is the name the Japanese scientist put in his article
(Ishihara 1956).

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科学观点

173

Japanese immigrant physicians residing in those regions, he traveled to the
United States to start measuring nisei’s bodies. The rationale for nisei
research was to look for the “pure” growth traits of the Japanese race
and ascertain the optimal hygiene conditions for stimulating the develop-
ment of those traits. Ishihara found, 例如, that Hawaiian and
Californian nisei had shorter sitting heights, but that their bodies were
seemingly as well-shaped as those of “Caucasian white” children. He spec-
ulated that it was the floor-based culture, imported from ancient China
that had stunted the development of the Japanese “pure” body shape,
which had originally resembled that of the “white” race (Ishihara 1933).
The physical growth studies of nisei and konkestuji were inseparable for
Ishihara because both were vital to obtaining an understanding of the
“pure” quality of the Japanese stock and its eugenic future. 当代的
konketsuji researchers shared the same faith but for different reasons.
Taniguchi Toratoshi (1902–1963), anthropological expert of “mixed-
bloodness” at the time, conducted anthropometric research on Japanese
settler’s children simultaneously with konketsuji due to concerns about
the influence of the harsh colonial territory environments on the growth
of the children of Japanese settlers (Taniguchi 1942).

The defeat of Japan in the Pacific War in August 1945 and the subse-
quent collapse of the Japanese Empire rearticulated the social and scientific
understanding of these children. This was also evident for konketsuji.
Hundreds of thousands of American servicemen married young local
women and their babies were celebrated as “the Occupation present,”
the embodiment of the love and friendship between Japan and the United
States during the occupation period (Koshiro 1999, p. 159). 不幸-
内特利, but expectedly, thousands of these “occupation babies” were aban-
doned by their American fathers on leaving Japan when US occupation
ended in 1952. Their mothers were socially despised having served as
“prostitutes” for American troops and sometimes labeled national traitors
threatening the Japanese pure bloodline, resulting in them frequently leav-
ing their children behind in an attempt to hide their past love affairs. 这样的
hatred, in particular directed at black konketsuji and their mothers, was an
outcome of the nationalistic reaction of the “foreign” occupation and anti-
black racial attitudes widespread among the Japanese public at the time
(Roebuck 2016).

The abandonment of konketsuji became a significant social concern in the
early post-occupation period. A year after the end of occupation, 这
Japanese government announced a nationwide survey to assess the magni-
tude of the problem. Its primary aim was to figure out the quantitative
number of abandoned hybrid children, identify possible social problems,
and seek resolutions—either overseas adoption or segregated education

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Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

with a presumption that the children were foreigners as they did not have
pure Japanese blood. The national survey committee defined konketsuji as
“the children born to foreign military personnel and Japanese women from
the end of the Pacific War onward.” Colonial konketsuji, Japanese children
born to a Korean or Chinese parent and a Japanese parent were excluded
because they were considered phenotypically identical to “pure” Japanese
(Simoji-Lawrence 2018, PP. 82–3). Nisei underwent a similar but less rad-
ical transformation. Japanese settler children were redefined as repatriates,
because the colonies in which they had settled no longer existed. In the US
military occupation context, among the children of Japanese immigrants
in North and South America, nisei became the descriptor of those residing
in the United States.9

Ishihara continued his konketsuji and nisei research in the transition
时期. He became a principal investigator for the government-funded
项目, “Anthropometric Influences of Emigration and Blood Mixture
on Japanese Race,” initiated as part of the governmental response to the
“konketsuji problem” in 1952.10 In this project, Ishihara confined his
konketsuji research subject to the children born to American soldiers and
Japanese women and his work on nisei to American-born Japanese children
( Jinmonken 1954). Although the research subject became confined to
Japanese American children, it was exactly the same kind of research that
he had done before the war and its objective was to contribute to the
“racial improvement” (minzoku kaizen) of the Japanese stock. His team
therefore investigated “the change of Japanese physiques as a result of race
mixing” and “the improved physical fitness of the American-born immi-
grant children by immigration (环境)” ( Jinmonken 1954). 他的
conclusion was no different to the one drawn from his prewar nisei research:
the shorter leg length and longer sitting height of the native Japanese
compared to the American-born Japanese, was a result of the first group’s
sedentary habit of daily life. For the occupation babies, their age was at
most around eight years old so that he inconclusively speculated that there

9.

For the role of American nisei as cultural liaisons between American military offi-
cials in occupied Japan, see Nakamura (2008). It is also worth noting that the Japanese
government had officially promoted their citizens’ migration to South America from the
late nineteenth century on, but the Japanese interest in nisei in Brazil or other South Amer-
ican countries was comparatively much lower than interest in nisei in the United States
before the late 1980s.

10. The starting point of this project is debatable. According to Ishihara’s introduc-
tion of the project in the popular science journal Iden (Heredity), it began in 1952 (Ishihara
1953). Yet the project’s explanation in the official report stated that it had already started in
1948 (Jinmonken 1954). A possible explanation for this is that Ishihara had privately con-
ducted research on konketsuji from 1948 and then began officially funded research from
1952 向前.

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科学观点

175

would be some possible “disharmony” in physical development, particu-
larly among “Negro” konketsuji, as American eugenicist Davenport had
suggested (Jinmonken 1954).

In this respect, Ishihara’s postwar konketusji research was indeed an out-
dated eugenic project as identified by previous scholars. 这, 然而,
does not apply to Suda’s work. Despite superficial similarities, Suda’s
anthropometric research on konketsuji had quite different origins. His work
was shaped by transnational exchange with American racial anthropolo-
gists in the post-occupation period.

The Konketsuji Orphanage and American Anthropologists

3.
Suda and his anthropologist colleagues at the University of Tokyo became
involved with konketsuji in 1949 when Ishihara asked for his assistance
with anthropometric research, but their own project took place in 1951
(Suda and Hoshi 1970; Suda et al. 1965). Ishihara had already begun
collaborating with Sawada Miki (1901–1980), a social activist and the
founder of a konketsuji orphanage, the Elizabeth Saunders Home in Oiso,
Kanazawa, 在 1948. As a response to the “mixed children problem,” social
activists established orphanages exclusively for housing konketsuji aban-
doned by their American fathers. Sawada’s home was one of the earliest
and biggest orphan asylums for abandoned mixed-blood children. 和
Sawada’s endorsement, Ishihara brought Suda and Tokyo anthropologists
to the orphanage; Suda also obtained Sawada’s permission to conduct long-
term anthropometric research on the orphans (Suda 1952). Retrospectively,
for Suda, the biggest advantage of this study was that the environment for
the child subjects was strictly controlled: “the children living under
exactly the same living conditions” and having “the same meals, 相同
facilities of various kinds” (Suda 1968, p. 92). The orphanage was the best
place to observe how race-crossing impacted growth without having to
deal with concerns about environmental influences.

It was while Suda was developing his research framework for studying
konketusji that Reginald Ruggles Gates (1882–1962) visited the home for
research purposes. Although trained in botany, the Canadian-born eugen-
icist and former professor of biology at King’s College London had been
studying race mixing since the late 1920s. Owing to his convictions that
race mixing was a eugenic threat and that anti-racist propagandists were
distorting and polluting academic science, Gates was quickly ostracized
from mainstream genetics and the anthropology community in the post-
war period. In spite of such academic isolation, the retired professor was
named a fellow at the Department of Anthropology, 哈佛大学,
and the Peabody Museum of Natural History, at the urging of his col-
league Earnest Hooton (1887–1954年) (Schaffer 2007). His Cambridge

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176

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

profile appealed to Japanese scholars eager for a partnership with the
American scientific community in the context of the postwar “reconstruc-
tion” of Japanese science. During wartime, Japanese academia was isolated
from the international scientific community, in particular from Anglo-
phone scholars, and this continued until the late 1940s. For that reason,
Japanese scientists strived to reconnect themselves to the international
community by increasing scientific exchange in diverse forms, 例如,
dispatching young Japanese scholars to the US research institutions and
inviting prominent American researchers to Japan throughout the 1950s
(Iida 2010). Both the Japanese government and US private foundations,
including the Rockefeller Foundation, actively supported such exchange.
Gates’ visit to Japan was understood in this context and thus warmly wel-
comed by Japanese scientists. They respected him as an “honorable Amer-
ican anthropologist” committed to the study of race mixing while working
at prestigious universities in London, England and Cambridge,
Massachusetts.11

Gates’ two-month visit to Japan in the spring of 1954 consisted of a
series of university lectures on race crossing, interviews with newspapers,
and his study of konketsuji and the Ainu people, an indigenous ethnic
团体, in appearance resembling Europeans more closely than the Japa-
nese. Senior geneticists at the National Institute of Genetics, Mishima,
arranged his itinerary.12 They ensured Gates’ access to the Elizabeth
Sanders Home and secured the assistance of Ishihara’s team.13

Suda helped Gates to study his konketsuji research subject at the orphan-
age during his Japanese trip (Gates 1958, p. 129). He also invited Gates to
deliver a lecture on color inheritance at his institution.14 In 1933, Suda
had written a textbook on race classification relying heavily on Gate’s pre-
war research. The textbook surveyed the worldwide research on skin, eye,
and hair color and hair texture as “racial characteristics” (Rassenmerkmal)
and race classification based on the data (Matsumura and Suda 1933,

11.

Letter from Oshima Kanshiro to R. Ruggles Gates, 可能 17, 1954, Reginald Rug-
gles Gates MSS, Liddell Hart Archive, King’s College London (hereafter RRG), Box 7,
Folder 22-2, 部分 6. Young Japanese geneticists would have been skeptical of Gates’ theory
of race mixing and his theories of human genetics (实际上, eugenics). But not all Japanese
biologists challenged Gates’ lecture and theory, so this encouraged Gates to think of himself
as an important international figure. For Gates’ thought on his fame in Japan, see his diary
“Japan 1954”, RRG, Box 2, Folder 5, 部分 1.

12. Letter from Shinotou Yoshito to R. Ruggles Gates, Feb 23, 1954, RRG, Box 7,

Folder 22-2.

13. Letter from Komai Taku to R. Ruggles Gates, Jan 30, 1954, RRG, Box 7, Folder

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22-2, 部分 1.

14.

“Dr. 右. 右. Gates’ Schedule at Tokyo (行进 15-22, 1954)”, RRG, Box 7, Folder

22-2, 部分 1.

科学观点

177

p. 3). In the book, Gates’s work was intensively cited when discussing the
effect of race-crossing in the change of racial characteristics (Matsumura
and Suda 1933, PP. 67–71). The postwar interaction with Gates would
have reinforced Suda’s prewar perspective of race and race mixing studies
as still academically valid.

It was Carleton S. Coon (1904–1981) who provided Suda’s team with a
theoretical backup for their postwar race-mixing research. Hooton’s stu-
dent and professor of anthropology at the University of Pennsylvania, Coon
sought to reconcile racial typologies with postwar physical anthropology
based on modern evolutionary synthesis (Goodman and Hammonds
2000). His book Races: A Study in the Problem of Race Formation in Man
(1950), co-written with Stanley M. Garn (1922–2007) and Joseph Birdsell
(1908–1994), was the first attempt to explain racial classification in terms
of evolutionary theory, and particularly human adaptation. Garn, a sup-
porter of new physical anthropology based on the evolutionary synthesis
and a genetic approach, moderated Coon’s racial tendency and resistance
to population genetics (Collopy 2015, p. 244). Coon and his colleagues
introduced thirty races as “the tentative list,” just as he had described in
the prewar period. The difference from the prewar work was that they
explained the process of race formation in terms of the interaction between
heredity and environment. Adaptation was the best rationale for explain-
ing the past and future of racial differentiation (Goodman and Hammonds
2000, p. 31). It was positively received as a turning point in physical
anthropology showing the acceptance of genetic thought and an evolution-
ary approach at least in the 1950s (Collopy 2015, PP. 241–242).

Coon visited Japan in October 1956, as part of his world trip supported
by the US Air Force and LIFE Magazine. The Anthropological Society of
Japan invited him to deliver a lecture at the University of Tokyo and later
Coon accompanied Japanese anthropologists on his research visit to the
Ainu villages in Hokkaido where Suda was one of his travel companions
(Coon 1958, p. 30). 很遗憾, there is no documentation of Suda’s
interaction with Coon; yet Suda must have considered Coon’s Races a cru-
cial academic contribution, because he went on to translate it a year later
and used it as a replacement for his own prewar textbook on racial anthro-
道歉 (Suda and Kohara 1957). It soon became a new canon for postwar
Japanese anthropologists studying physical traits as racial characteristics.15
Owing to Coon’s Races, they could feel at ease continuing their prewar
racial research while still using genetic terms like genetic frequencies,

15. Even in the mid-1990s, physical anthropologist Yamaguchi Bin, who had been
trained at the University of Tokyo, placed Coon’s Races as an epoch-making text in the
history of race research ( Yamaguchi 1997).

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178

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

isolated pools, and adaptation.16 Even The Origin of Races, 这导致
Coon being ostracized from mainstream American anthropology after its
publication in 1962, was received by the Japanese anthropology commu-
nity without debate (Terada 1977). Gates and Coon’s work would become
the backbone of konketsuji anthropology, as we will see in the next section.

4. Race Classification for Studying Human Adaptability
While interacting with American racial anthropologists, Suda’s team dil-
igently continued their konketsuji research. 从 1951 onwards, they vis-
ited the orphanage twice a year to measure the children’s growth. 这
biannual examination included “anthropometric measures on 52 项目,
somatoscopic observations on eye, skin, hair, and other traits, dentitional
observations, photography, radiography, and other sorts of physical exam-
inations” (Suda et al. 1965, p. 22). Rudolf Martin’s (1864–1925) anthro-
pometric method was extensively used for the measurements, but new
methods were also adopted, such as X-raying and the Greulich-Pyle atlas
for bone age (Suda and Hoshi 1970, PP. 149, 157–8). 的数量
research subjects varied since as time went on many of the orphans were
adopted. The initial survey, during the 1950s, was carried out with around
150 children but by the mid-1960s the number had decreased to fifty-
九 (Suda 1968, p. 89; Suda, Kondo, and Sato 1966, p. 27). 他们还
collected the data of American White and “pure” Japanese children and
nisei residing in San Francisco for the comparison of growth rates
(Suda, Kondo, and Sato 1966, p. 258–59). 最后, they adopted
racial classification—pure (本国的) Japanese and Negro and White
hybrids—endorsed by their American racial anthropologist colleagues
(Suda et al. 1965, PP. 22–3; Suda 1968, p. 90; Suda, Kondo, and Sato
1966, p. 257).

Coon’s Races was the backbone of their understanding of race. Suda’s
team defined race as “a genetically isolated population having different
genetic characteristics from other populations” (Suda and Hoshi 1970,
p. 122). For them, genetic characteristics were equal to “racial character-
主义,” and the miscegenation of two different races could form a new race
possessing the physical traits of both parent races. As Coon and colleagues
described in Races, they also claimed that all human races were hybrid and
that there was no “pure” race in the world, in contrast to Suda’s old racial
anthropology textbook explaining races ( jinshu) as distinct species (Suda
and Hoshi 1970, p. 122). Their reservations about genetic markers being
superior to anthropometric ones for racial classification were also in line
with Coon’s position (Suda and Hoshi 1970, p. 122–3). Irrespective of

16. For the case of blood-group genetics in Japan, see Hyun (2019).

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科学观点

179

recognizing the difficulty of identifying appropriate markers as the stan-
dard for race classification, Suda and his student assigned the “major races”
(dai-jinshu)—Caucasoid, Mongoloid, Negroid, and Primitive People like
Negrito—as taken for granted. Using the classification of “major races,”
they put Japanese into a category of “yellow race”: the contemporary
Japanese population had been formed as a result of intermarriage between
neighboring ethnic groups that belonged to the Mongoloid group. 作为一个
结果, modern Japanese did not have the racial characteristics of Caucasoid
or Negroid, even though they were “mixed-blood” (Suda and Hoshi 1970,
p. 124). 为此原因, they construed konketsuji as the first genuine
mixed-race in contemporary Japan, comparable with Mestizo and Mulatto,
which had been forming in Latin America and Africa since the fifteenth
世纪 (Suda and Hoshi 1970, p. 124–5).

In terms of their connection to Coon’s work, it would be also worth not-
ing that their identification of the racial origin of the children was very
problematic. Paternal lineages were hard to trace as the children had mostly
been abandoned by their parents. Suda’s team relied on the Japanese
mothers’ accounts of the paternal race if available, and in the worst case,
they resorted to identifying the fathers’ racial origin by inferring it from
the children’s skin and hair color and hair texture, eye color, 和别的
“racial characteristics” (Suda and Hoshi 1970, p. 127). In this respect, 他们的
racial identification and classifications were inherently circular.

Since their project proceeded under the Coonian vision, they saw their
work as concerned with human adaptation and thus it would be a defin-
itive study in “the field of human adaptability” (Suda, Kondo, and Sato
1966, p. 257). 所以, Suda and his colleagues proudly submitted their
longitudinal observation research conducted at the konketsuji orphanage to
the “Human Adaptability and Its Methodology” workshop scheduled for
Kyoto in September 1965. The workshop was intended to assist Japanese
HA-IBP participants to articulate methodological and topical issues in
human adaptation research and help the Japanese national HA-IBP com-
mittee to identify possible regional research projects through a lively dis-
cussion with internationally renowned anthropologists and physiologists,
such as British environmental physiologist and HA-IBP Convener Joseph
Sidney Weiner (1915–1982) and the US HA-IBP’s leading anthropologist
Paul Thornell Baker (1927–2007). 的确, physiological adaptation-
centered projects in the Japanese HA-IBP program, were established a year
之后, mostly based on the outcomes of the 1965 作坊 (Yoshimura
1975). This international event and subsequent scientific collaboration
with “scientifically advanced” countries through the IBP framework were
crucial in order to restore Japanese scientists’ confidence in their own sci-
entific capabilities, confidence which had been lost for a while as a result of

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180

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

wartime isolation. Presenting their research as internationally recognized,
they could have a restored self-conviction that they were recognized as
being “at the same world-class level (sekai no ichiryu) with the US, 苏联,
and the UK” (Tamiya 1974, p. 12). Suda’s group also craved international
recognition for their work in this sense.

International reception turned out to go against their expectations, 如何-
曾经. Not one person commented on the konketsuji paper (Yoshimura and
韦纳 1966, p. iii–v). This silence would force them to reassess the prob-
lematic nature of their research agenda. It was urgent for Suda’s team to
address the chilly reception from the “international scene” in order to assure
that their konketsuji project join the national HA-IBP programs. Immedi-
ately after the workshop they changed their tone and refashioned their kon-
ketsuji research. In the English report published in 1970, having removed
proclamations about disharmony in the dental arch of Negro hybrids,
Suda’s faithful student Hoshi Hiroshi (1928–2008) focused in more depth
on discussing the effects of genetic and environmental influences upon
生长 (Hoshi 1970). In the same year, Suda and Hoshi paid more atten-
tion to discussing the implications of their research in relation to hybrid
vigor in the national HA-IBP interim report, which was also passed to
the HA-IBP headquarters (Suda and Hoshi 1970). Though they had not
yet begun to diversify their publications with respect to the language they
were being published in, this marked the first moment that konketsuji
researchers began to recognize the necessity to downplay the negative con-
notations of miscegenation in their reports for the international community.
同时, the transnational initiative did not abandon the race con-
cept. 在 1965 Kyoto workshop, while commenting on the papers,
Weiner never problematized the use of racial categories in itself. 实际上,
instead of establishing well-defined standards for classifying human popu-
lations, the HA-IBP headquarter implicitly allowed local scientists to use
various groupings such as ethnicity, 种族, nationality, and regionality
(Molina 2017). Physiologists working in the field of growth studies went
even further. 例如, James Mourilyan Tanner (1920–2010) 和他的
student Phyllis B. Eveleth at the Institute of Child Health, 伦敦, 哪个
assumed the editorship of the HA-IBP growth studies summary edition,
reintroduced three “geographic” races—European, 非洲人, 和
Asiatic—into their volume in order to sort out results from hundreds of
national HA-IBP reports, adopting messy and heterogenous grouping cat-
egories (Eveleth and Tanner 1976, PP. 2–3). Robert M. Malina (born in
1937), growth studies scholar at the University of Texas, Austin, was seri-
ously worried about the possible “misrecognition” of their field’s collective
achievement as an outdated “typological racial anthropology” (Malina
1978). But the editors of the summary volume believed in the necessity

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科学观点

181

of “the rather arbitrary classification of race” to study the role of human
adaptation in child growth from a global perspective:

Selective pressures led to different physiques and different growth
图案. Present-day populations will reflect the genetic differences
underlying these differing phenotypes, 除非, 的确, 这
phenotypic differences are all due to the immediate effect of the
environment on the growth … [种族] comparative research is
necessary because today we have descendants of Africans growing up
in the temperate climate of Northern America and sharing the same
nutritional habits and style of life as their European-descended
neighbours. (Eveleth and Tanner 1976, PP. 3–4)
Adaptability was an urgent question because today’s human popula-
tions inhabited regions to which they had not yet adapted. 例如,
Africans who had lived in tropical climates have had to adapt to the “tem-
perate climate of Northern America” and adopt the “European” diet and
lifestyle (Eveleth and Tanner 1976, p. 4). Concerning the matter of food
assistance to developing countries, the question about whether hereditary
or environmental factors were more influential in variations in child
growth became important, despite the fact that it sounded very outdated
to population genetics colleagues (Spencer 1997, PP. 268–70; Tanner
1981, PP. 249–50). HA-IBP scientists believed that comparative racial
research in child growth would answer these questions (Eveleth and
Tanner 1976, p. 2).17 Emphasizing the contemporary situation of human
populations living in a different environment to the one their ancestors had
adapted to, they paved the way for Japanese anthropologists to use adap-
tation idioms in explaining contemporary issues—like konketsuji in Japan.
The HA-IBP growth studies’ instrumentalism of typological racial con-
cepts and adaptation idioms would allow Japanese anthropologists to con-
tinue promoting racial anthropology domestically.

5. A Double-Play between the Transnational and National
When Suda retired, Kondo Shiro (1918–2003), who co-wrote the konket-
suji report with him in the 1965 Kyoto workshop, assumed leadership of
konketsuji anthropology in the HA-IBP era ( JIBP 1967).18 Once Suda’s

17.

It would be worth noting that looking at the “genetics” of child growth includes
non-adaptive (or complex) traits not following Mendelian law. 为此原因, 当代-
rary geneticists did not consider it a proper subject for studying heredity.

18.

Suda retired from the University of Tokyo in 1960 but worked as a full-time
instructor at Keio-Gijuku University until 1969. 还, Suda took a lead on anthropological
research on the fitness of the Ainu people within the national HA-IBP committee ( JIBP
1969).

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182

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

young colleague, but never his protégé, at the University of Tokyo and
later a professor of anthropology at the Primate Research Institute at Kyoto
大学, he led the growth studies team on the national HA-IBP com-
mittee from 1968 向前 (JIBP 1969). Kondo tried to align the konketsuji
anthropology with the transnational human variation project by relocating
its aims to fit the HA-IBP growth studies’ agenda. In the course, he pro-
moted a new bilateral initiative for nisei as a companion project to the
konketsuji research.

As stated in the previous section, HA-IBP growth studies encouraged
racial comparisons with the purpose of figuring out “the relative contribu-
tions of environment and heredity” to child growth. At the same time the
US-Japan Committee on Scientific Cooperation and bilateral projects
began to be supported by the US National Science Foundation (Nakayama
2006). Japanese HA-IBP scientists endeavored to obtain bilateral support
and comparative research on child growth consistent with the funding
scheme. With Yoshimura Hisato (1907–1990), the physiologist who
had convened the national HA-IBP, Kondo established cooperative com-
parative research on physiology and growth in nisei, native Japanese, 和
Caucasians. Steven M. Hovarth (1938–1992), director of the Institute of
Environmental Stress, UC Santa Barbara, and one of the international par-
ticipants in the 1965 Kyoto workshop, accepted to serve as their US coun-
terpart (JIBP 1970). The project went on for two years from 1971. Kondo
and his growth studies team were dispatched to California and performed
anthropometric measurements on nisei relying on The IBP Handbook No. 9
(Weiner and Laurie 1969). For the “native” Japanese data, they carried out
a similar anthropometric survey of Japanese children living in Nagoya.
They included the konketsuji data as a reference (Kondo and Eto 1975,
p. 21). Due to its international nature, the official language of their project
was English.

By partnering with the new nisei project, the konketsuji anthropology
turned to anthropometric data to answer questions concerning the impact
of heredity and environment on children’s growth. Kondo’s team first con-
strued that the konketsuji data showed puberty as a tipping point at which
genetic factors came to outweigh environmental ones. Konketsuji born to
Caucasian fathers showed a growth curve similar to that of prepubescent
Japanese children and of Caucasian children in California after puberty.
The nisei showed the opposite. Immigrant children in California followed
the growth curve of the Caucasian children by puberty but became similar
to Japanese thereafter. Their second discovery was of differences within
hereditary factors. According to their data, among konketsuji “Mongolian
traits” were more pronounced than “Caucasoid or Negroid traits.” They
avoided confirming them as “racial” traits because it could have been

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科学观点

183

interpreted that maternal lines had a stronger hereditary influence than
paternal ones (Kondo and Eto 1975, PP. 20–24).

While reconciling konketusji anthropology with global growth studies
by synthesizing konketsuji and nisei studies, Kondo’s group used different
terminologies, 猜测, and arguments in the English and Japanese
summaries of their research. When the team submitted the results in their
official English summary report for the HA-IBP, they offered a dry descrip-
tion of the implications of their comparative research. 继
instrumentalism of race categories in the global HA-IBP studies, Kondo’s
team did not explain or examine their use of racial classification, nor did
they define what race was. 此外, they attenuated the racist charac-
teristics of early konketsuji anthropology by replacing derogatory terms
with less offensive ones: “Negro hybrids” was replaced with “Japanese
American hybrids,” “pure Japanese” with “the Japanese,” and “racial char-
acteristics” with “ethnic or genetic characteristics” (Yoshimura 1975,
PP. 165–7). When it was sent to the global collection of the HA-IBP growth
学习, edited by Tanner and Eveleth, “the Japanese” was replaced again
with the “Japanese sedante” (Eveleth and Tanner 1976).

It was Harry L. 夏皮罗, Davenport’s rival in prewar studies of race mix-
英, who coined the term “sedante.” By using this neologism, 夏皮罗
hoped to avoid the connotation of the term “native” with the idea of racial
purity in his Japanese and Chinese immigrant research in Hawaii (Teslow
2012, PP. 206–16). Shapiro wrote a UNESCO booklet, Race Mixture, 那
supported “racial mosaics” as an integral part of human history (Spencer
1996). It is impossible to confirm whether it was British editors who
replaced the Japanese anthropologists’ wording of “native Japanese” with
“sedante” or whether the Japanese anthropologists themselves reported
their data with this terminology already in place. If it was indeed the lat-
特尔, one could say that Japanese anthropologists finally brought “political
correctness” to miscegenation studies in postwar anthropology.

Their Japanese texts were a stark contrast to the English reports. Co-opting
the adaptation-based account of racial differences in the HA-IBP growth
学习, they corroborated the racial typological approach reflecting a more
negative tone to miscegenation. Two years after the publication of the official
summary report, the Japanese national HA-IBP committee published “Japa-
nese Life and Human Adaptability Series” to introduce the outcome of the
national HA-IBP activities to a wider domestic audience. Kondo edited its
first volume, titled The Origin and Evolution of the Japanese (nihonjin no kigen to
shinka). In it, Kondo explained in detail why, in their comparative research,
the HA-IBP growth studies had categorized three geographical races.

Just as Suda had done, Kondo’s description of race formation relied on
Coon’s Races (Kondo 1977, p. 205). According to him, each race had a

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184

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

distinct set of “physical characteristics as a result of adaptation” to its envi-
罗门特 (Kondo 1977, p. 128). “African, 欧洲的, Asiatic” races were
formed in the interaction between genetics and environment (Kondo
1977, PP. 129–30). Kondo also explained the rationale of konketsuji and
nisei research in terms of adaptation. 例如, the nisei research was
a perfect window into understanding how child growth in the “Japanese
种族,” viewed by Coon and Garn as a local race, became varied in an envi-
ronment that they had not adapted to. The konketsji research was the sup-
plementary data for the nisei studies. Konketsuji, the “non-Japanese race,”
shared the environment with “the pure Japanese” as both groups resided
in Japan. 因此, the data shows the role racial differences play in child
growth under a controlled environment. (Kondo 1977, PP. 165–74).

Hoshi Hiroshi went even further in terms of racial anthropology. 如果
Kondo’s work was entirely Coonian, Hoshi’s was closer to the Gatesian
方法. It should be pointed out that Hoshi was impressed by Gates’
work on konketsuji research and asked the race-crossing authority to advise
his own research in 1958.19 在 1977, he wrote a chapter of “Race Mixing
and Race” (konketsu to jinshu) in an edited volume titled Race ( jinshu). 这
book was one volume of Contemporary Anthropology Lecture Series edited by
the Japanese Association of Anthropology in order to disseminate state-art-
of-the anthropological knowledge to general readers and students. Follow-
ing Coon, Hoshi also acknowledged that a race-crossing of humanity had
always happened while presuming that three major races had a distinct
complex of genetic and physical traits as a result of adaptation to their
given environment. 同时, echoing more with Gates, he explic-
itly speculated on the potentially disastrous results of race mixing and
appealed the need to study its biological dimension.

The notion of adaptation was central to his argument on the necessity of
race mixing research. Hoshi first claimed that it remained unanswered
whether race-crossing between major races was “intraspecies hybridization”
(within a single species) or “interspecies hybridization” (genetic mixing
between species) (Hoshi 1977, p. 187). He supposed that, although all
human races are Homo Sapiens, the biological distance between major races
could be almost as great as between species, as the divergence of these pop-
ulations had occurred half a million years ago in the adaptive processes to
given environments. 更远, he questioned the hybrid vigor thesis by
claiming its environment-dependent nature. Hemoglobin S (HbS), sickle-
cell hemoglobin heterozygotes, is a well-known case for heterosis or a het-
erozygote advantage due to its malaria resistance. Hoshi reinterpreted the

19. Letter from Hiroshi Hoshi to R. Ruggles Gates, 28 四月 1959., RRG, Box 7,

Folder 27-2.

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科学观点

185

case by highlighting that individuals possessing HbS were only truly at an
advantage in an environment where there were frequent malaria outbreaks
and that they were rather at a disadvantage in all other regions, due to the
risk of sickle-cell anemia (Hoshi 1977, PP. 189–90).20

最后, Hoshi co-opted Dobzhansky’s concept of coadaptation to claim a
potentially disastrous effect of race-crossing on the descendants. Studying
the geographical distributions of chromosomal inversions in drosophila pseu-
doobscura, Dobzhansky found that inversion heterozygotes were superior to
homozygotes in fitness, and that it was a result of the chromosomes with
different gene arrangements that are co-adapted as the gene complexes
under the influence of natural selection. 之后, he also discovered that
the superiority of inversion heterozygotes became lost in hybrid drosophila
populations of different geographic origins (华莱士 1994). 继
观察, Dobzhansky and Pavlovsky (1958) suggested that interracial
hybridization caused a sort of break-down of co-adapted complexes of poly-
基因. Borrowing the results of interracial hybridization experiments on
drosophila races, Hoshi speculated that miscegenation could bring about
the break-down of the co-adapted polygenetic complexes of physical traits
of paternal races, which major races had obtained in the adaptative pro-
cesses to different localities. At that point, he brought in Davenport’s dis-
harmony theory and his observation on the high frequency of irregular
teeth in the children of hybridized Americans as cases of coadaptation
break-down by interracial hybridization in human species (Hoshi 1977,
PP. 191–2). Despite his understanding of the possible biological harms
of race-crossing, Hoshi did not oppose miscegenation explicitly. 他
thought that it was almost impossible to decide on which physical traits
were disadvantageous today, since human species lived in an artificially
made environment away and protected from the wild. He thus suggested
that the fitness of new, mixed races should be examined in terms of their
adaptability to the complex of environment (例如, climates) 和
culture in a given locality (Hoshi 1977, PP. 193–6).

The instrumental racial categories in the HA-IBP growth studies
offered a basis for konketsuji anthropologists to maintain their traditional
perspective of race mixture in their domestic publications. Both Kondo
and Hoshi took the race classification of the HA-IBP growth studies
summary volume as a starting point to explain their research and their
idea of race. Their explanation about race concepts and race mixing was

20. Although Hoshi discussed the HbS case at the gene level, his argument seemed to
have in mind Gate’s criticism of UNESCO’s 1951 statement on race using a case of the
higher incidence of sickle-cell anemia among “American Negros” with white ancestry than
among “pure Negros” (Gates 1952).

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186

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

dogmatized within the domestic physical anthropology community and
not refuted by their domestic cultural anthropologist colleagues. 的确,
Baba Yuko (born in 1941), cultural anthropologist who graduated from
the same university with the above-mentioned anthropologists, wrote a
chapter “Racism and Racial Prejudices” ( jinshushui to jinshutekihenken) 在
the same volume with Hoshi’s one. Baba defined race as a social construct
and considered racial anthropology a pseudo-science that had only existed
in the prewar period. Most of all, she harshly criticized the biological
determinism of authors, including Reginald Ruggles Gates, in Mankind
季刊, the postwar keeper of scientific racism (Baba 1977). 尽管
her explicit criticism of Gates’ racist argument from a sociological point
of view, the cultural anthropologist did not point out the similarity of
Hoshi’s research with racial anthropology. Probably Japan’s strict academic
等级制度, which did not allow young scholars to challenge senior
研究人员, would have prevented her from criticizing Hoshi’s research
to his face. 同时, his participation in the HA-IBP might also
have played a role in her silence. The cultural anthropologist highlighted
那, 一般来说, the international scientific community had overcome the
old racial typology despite some exceptions like Gates (Baba 1977). 这
HA-IBP was the transnational enterprise carried out by the very same
international community, so she would not have dared to challenge
Hoshi’s work even though it seemed to hold suspicious views of miscegena-
的. In this respect, the transnational initiative gave racial anthropologists
the authority to justify their racial anthropology in the domestic scene.

结论

6.
在本文中, I have tried to illuminate the way in which konketsuji anthro-
pology emerged and was developed in the course of a transnational
exchange from the early postwar period to the mid-1970s. Instead of
repeating prewar eugenic research on race mixing without modification,
anthropologists at the University of Tokyo formed their research by mixing
with Coon’s race concept and Gates’ presupposition of miscegenation.
Their research program implicating the possible biological harms of mis-
cegenation fitted well into the postwar nationalist narrative but soon
turned out to be unacceptable by the standards of the international com-
社区. Hoping to become a member of international science while main-
taining their racial anthropology program, Japanese researchers began to
devise a strategy to diversify reporting ways of research outcomes according
to the language in which they were to be published. By downplaying the
racist aspects of their work in the transnational space but allowing them to
remain in the national space, they were able to pursue two seemingly con-
tradictory goals: simultaneously being nationalistic and transnational.

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科学观点

187

The transnational nationalism of konketsuji anthropology is worth fur-
ther examination, given the previous literature in physical anthropology
and nationalism in postwar Japan. As this paper has illuminated, transna-
tional exchange was crucial in shaping and maintaining their research pro-
公克. The early postwar exchange with Gates and Coon offered them a
“scientific” basis for discussions on the mixture of Japanese and other races
and its potentially negative biological implications. The HA-IBP growth
studies’ instrumentalism of typological race concepts and adaptation
idioms allowed them to bolster their authority to speak about the nature
of race and race mixing in the domestic scene. They were able to re-narrate
their old racial typology-oriented explanations in terms of adaptation due
to the transnational initiative. Examining the historical trajectories of two
different anthropology schools in Japan, historian Arnaud Nanta has
remarked that postwar physical anthropology served Japanese nationalism
by constructing the Japanese as a biologically homogeneous race, a belief
that continued to be held until the 1980s (Nanta 2008). This case study
presents that such nationalist anthropology was a result not only of the
国内的, internal conflict and confluence but also of circulations of people
and knowledge across national borders.

The Japanese view of race mixing is also noteworthy for the growing
body of research on postwar race mixing studies. Though this type of
research continued in the postwar period and even flourished in Latin
美国, postwar researchers essentially positioned their science within
an anti-racist position committed to finding scientific evidence against
the anti-miscegenation sentiment (Dent and Santos 2019). The konketsuji
researchers were different. They felt pity for their research subjects but did
not defend the children from contemporary racist criticism. Those children
should be pitied because they would not survive within Japanese society;
they were not pure Japanese and were thus unable to adapt to the unique,
Japanese culture. Going to the United States would not be an answer for
them either since they were not pure Americans either. Japanese anthro-
pologists’ early findings indicated that biology would make their situation
更差, considering discrepancies in the children’s teeth as a bad signal of
eugenic disharmony.21 The Japanese anthropologists’ negative perspective
towards miscegenation in both terms of culture and biology did not share
the “anti-racist moral economy of midcentury human sciences” that Latin
American race mixing studies pursued (Dent and Santos 2019, PP. 147–
49). It instead strengthened domestic racism. Such difference was closely
linked with the different role of race mixing in their post-colonial nation-

21. For details about Japanese anthropologists’ negative view of konketsuji and its res-

onances with domestic racism, see Roebuck (2015).

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Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

building: in Latin America, the idea race mixing was supportive of post-
colonial conciliatory nationalistic projects, whereas in Japan, it was the
threat to the postcolonial national integration based on racial purity.

最后, this historical episode suggests decentralizing the, 迄今,
population genetics-centered history of race science in the postwar period.
Japanese race mixing research fell into the category of human growth
学习, not population genetics. The interdisciplinary field in human
development was a postwar haven for physiologists and anthropologists
who studied human populations using traditional anthropometry. As this
paper has illuminated, they believed that comparative research between
races was necessary to understand human adaptability in growth and
发展 (Tanner 1981). Historian Vanessa Heggie correctly points
out that the previous scholarship on the postwar race science has focused
exclusively on population genetics and as a result has neglected the role of
physiology and other disciplines in the formation of the concept of race
后 1945 (Heggie 2019). Human growth studies is one of the very fields
that has been relatively overlooked by historians of biology and still awaits
further exploration.

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