阿尼尔·卡纳尼
减少贫困
通过就业
授人以鱼, 你喂他一天; 教他如何钓鱼, 他会
能够养活自己一辈子. 这是一个古老的陈词滥调, 和所有人一样
陈词滥调它有智慧的元素. 但, 还不够. 一个渔夫-
拥有一根简单的竿子和一艘独木舟的人不会挨饿, 但他仍然会
贫穷的. 让他摆脱贫困, 他需要合理的稳定工作-
商业渔业公司的工资. 现在他的女儿可能会搬家
登上发展阶梯并继续成为一名工程师.
普遍贫困是世界面临的紧迫挑战. 起点为
应对这一挑战的简单而明显的观察是，主要的
穷人的问题是收入低. 正如上面的比喻所表明的,
减少贫困的最佳途径是增加贫困人口的收入
生产性就业. 要把贫困群众视为生产者，重视-
向他们购买的规模。1 当前的许多扶贫方法
错过这个简单的点.
对外援助的倡导者认为，贫穷国家陷入了“贫困”之中。
陷阱”，需要大量注入援助来刺激经济发展。2 外国
援助被指责强调大目标, 大项目, 自上而下的规划, 和
一刀切的方法而不是, 作为东方倡导者, 自下而上的解决方案
适合当地情况. 另一种批评是，实际上用于援助的援助很少
刺激企业发展, 尽管私营企业发展良好-
被认为是摆脱贫困的最佳途径. 外援也被指责制造骗局-
持续依赖并助长腐败.
市场自由化的倡导者认为，自由开放的市场是
使国家摆脱贫困的唯一途径, 并且“滴流”
效果将导致减贫. 然而, 全球化并没有带来
承诺为发展中国家的许多穷人带来经济利益. 这
阿尼尔·G. 卡纳尼 (Karnani) 是斯蒂芬 M 战略学院战略副教授. 罗斯学院
商业, 密歇根大学. 他是最近出版的《与贫困作斗争》一书的作者
一起: 重新思考商业策略, 政府, 和民间社会
减少贫困 (纽约: 帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦, 2011).
© 2011 阿尼尔·卡纳尼
创新 / 体积 6, 数字 2
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阿尼尔·卡纳尼
新自由主义自由市场方法的问题在于它严重低估了
政府在经济发展和减贫中的作用.
张认为，当今的经济实力, 来自美国. 到英国 到 南方
韩国, 通过政府对工业的一些干预，所有人都实现了繁荣。3
“金字塔底部” (国际收支平衡表) 主张, 流行于C. K.
普拉哈拉德, 认为向穷人出售产品可以同时获利
消除贫困。4 国际收支平衡法将穷人主要视为消费者——
对跨国公司有吸引力的市场. 然而, BOP 市场相当小
不太可能非常有利可图, 特别是对于一家大公司. 而且, 国际收支平衡表
倡议可能会导致支出不佳
钱花在低优先级的商品上
更好地花在更优先的需求上,
比如营养, 教育, 和健康
关心, 从而最终导致福利减少.
国际收支平衡表的方法也显着
低估政府的作用
在提供基本服务方面, 比如教育局-
的, 公共卫生, 基础设施, 干净的
水, 和公共安全.
为了摆脱贫困,
穷人需要
生产性工作
带来更高的收入.
对外援助的方式看到了穷人
作为慈善的被动接受者; 市场自由化方法将穷人视为
涓滴效应的自动受益者; 国际收支平衡表关注穷人
主要作为消费者. 这些减少贫困的方法都没有强调
直接提高穷人的生产能力; 那是, 增加他们的
赚钱能力。5 本文主张需要关注穷人作为生产者
并强调不卖给穷人, 但从他们那里购买.
为了摆脱贫困, 穷人需要生产性工作，从而获得更高的收入
收入. 在千年首脑会议上 2000, 国际社会, 在下面
联合国的领导, 通过了千年发展目标
(千年发展目标). 第一个千年发展目标的重点是消除贫困和饥饿.
人们普遍相信，只有人们
拥有体面且富有成效的工作, 千年发展目标下添加了一个新目标 1 在 2006:
实现充分的生产性就业和人人有体面工作, 包括女性
和年轻人. 联合国贸易和发展会议
认为最不发达国家的减贫需要“-
digm 转变”，使国家和国际政策重点关注开发产品-
能力和创造生产性就业机会.6
一个人成为劳动力的一员本质上有两种方式:
作为雇员, 或自营职业. 小额信贷运动旨在帮助
穷人成为个体户. 然而, 大多数研究表明小额信贷
仅在有限程度上有益; 现实不如承诺有吸引力。7
绝大多数小额信贷客户都从事自给自足的活动，
在过度拥挤的市场中竞争. 他们通常没有专门技能, 没有付费
职员, 拥有少量资产, 经营规模太小，无法提高效率. 因此
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就业扶贫
他们的收入不足以摆脱贫困. 世界银行最近的一项研究基于
采访时 60,000 贫困人口或以前的贫困人口 15 各国得出结论,
“通常根据小额信贷计划提供的小额贷款似乎并不能带来大额贷款
大量人口摆脱贫困。”8 大多数小额信贷客户都是微型企业-
神经元是必然的而不是选择的. 创造稳定就业机会-
合理工资是让人们摆脱贫困的最佳途径. 这
国际劳工组织 (国际劳工组织) 状态, “没有什么比这更重要了
减贫胜于就业。” 然后，它大力主张“体面的
就业”——工作
那
为人们提供良好的收入,
安全, 灵活性, 保护,
和一个声音
工作.9
就业不仅是
主要收入来源, 它也
增强了其他维度
福利, 包括技能,
身体能力, 和自己-
尊重.
通过减少贫困
就业需要三
主要推动力:
(1) 创造就业,
(2) 提高就业能力, 和
(3) 创造劳动力市场
更高效.
通过减少贫困
就业需要三
主要推动力: (1) 产生
增加
就业,
就业能力, 和 (3) 制作
劳动力市场更加高效. 第一个推动力作用于需求侧
劳动力市场，创造适合穷人技能的就业机会.
第二个推动力通过增加劳动力市场的供给侧来发挥作用。
通过教育和职业培训计划提高穷人的就业能力.
劳动力市场, 尤其是在发展中国家, 由于有很大的摩擦力
缺乏信息和劳动力流动性; 诸如工作匹配和
安置服务有助于提高劳动力市场的效率，从而
增加就业. 增加就业机会, 就业能力, 和
劳动力市场效率是, 当然, 没有办法应对的复杂挑战
神奇的解决方案. 试图发展一个整体性的计划过于雄心勃勃，而且也许是徒劳的。
增加就业的理论框架或综合行动计划-
为穷人提供救济. 最好有针对性、务实的干预
由概念逻辑和经验证据支持.
(2)
需要各种各样的公共政策和私人战略来产生
就业. 尽管私营部门主要负责创造就业机会-
化, 政府, 国际组织, 非政府组织能够而且应该促进-
泰特这个过程. 创造就业需要有利于促进就业的监管政策-
记录私营企业的创建和发展; 世界银行的做法
商业项目为理解和改进业务提供了客观的基础
商业监管环境。10 影响就业创造的其他因素
包括获得资本, 创业人才库, 宏观经济稳定-
创新 / 体积 6, 数字 2
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阿尼尔·卡纳尼
蒂, 基础设施和公共服务——这并不是一份详尽的清单.
很遗憾, 许多贫穷国家没有创造足够的就业机会
因此在减贫方面并没有取得太大进展. 一些组合-
政府政策不当和市场失灵导致
创造就业机会.
而不是讨论创造就业机会需要做的所有事情-
蒙特, 我主张选择一个“足够好”的起点并采取一些行动.
我并不认为这是最好的或唯一的起点, 只是它是一个效果-
积极可行的起点. 在本文中, 我为了专注而牺牲广度, 压缩-
务实行动的深刻理论. 我认为专注于
中小企业 (中小企业) 部门将成为创造就业的主要推动力,
然后用案例研究补充我的概念论证来说明
这是一个可行的建议. 我描述了一种创新且有效的方法
技术服务, 总部位于华盛顿的中型非政府组织, 华盛顿特区, 帮助创造就业机会
促进许多贫穷国家中小企业的发展, 尤其是在非洲和
拉美. 尤其, 我描述了 TechnoServe 在振兴
莫桑比克的腰果产业.
提高穷人的就业能力也是一项复杂的挑战
需要各种公共政策和私人战略. 中心问题在
提高就业能力是, 当然, 教育, 包括职业培训和
再培训. 就业创造跟不上经济增长的原因之一
甚至可能阻碍劳动力市场, 尤其是在发展中国家,
有相当大的摩擦力. 影响劳动力市场效率的因素包括
工作匹配计划, 基础设施, 公共服务, 公共卫生, 和劳动
流动性——这也不是一个详尽的清单. 我认为这是一个好主意
注重增加农村青年就业. 再次, 农村青年两者都不是
唯一也不一定是增加就业的最佳目标群体, 但它是
一个有效的, 足够好的起点. 我将补充我的概念论证-
结合案例来说明其可行性. 我描述了一个创新计划,
创造就业机会 & 营销使命 (EGMM), 由
印度安得拉邦政府确定, 火车, 并链接 unem-
雇用农村青年到私营部门工作. EGGM 促进就业
提高农村贫困青年的就业能力并减少社会摩擦
劳动力市场.
就业
在发展经济学中, 有相当多的理论和经验支持
工资劳动在发展中经济体中日益占主导地位. 国际劳工组织
将劳动力分为四类: (1) “雇员”领取工资或
基于显性或隐性合同的工资; (2) “雇主”是个体经营者
并聘请了一名或多名员工; (3) “自营工作者,” 单独或
与一个或多个合作伙伴, 是自营职业者，没有雇用雇员;
和 (4) “有贡献的家庭工人”在非正式的基础上受雇于
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就业扶贫
由居住在同一家庭的亲属经营的场所. 自有账户
发展中经济体的工人与自给农业有关
其他低附加值活动, 比如小额贸易, 通常提供低和
不定期收入. 贡献家庭工作往往是无偿的, 虽然补偿-
间接以家庭收入的形式出现; 这特别常见
在发展中国家的妇女中. “弱势”就业的比例是
定义为有贡献的家庭工人和自营工人的总和
除以总就业人数. 弱势工人比例较高表明
大型自给农业部门, 正规经济缺乏增长, 和
普遍贫困. 国际劳工组织的实证研究证实了这种正相关关系
贫困发生率与弱势就业之间的关系。11 减贫是
与就业增加和弱势就业减少相关.
增加就业
没有一个国家在没有经历经济发展的情况下就能显着减少贫困。
生长, 但经济增长对减贫产生了截然不同的影响-
跨国界. A 1 人均 GDP 增长百分比会减少收入
贫困程度高达 4 百分比或少至 1 %.12 生态之间的联系-
经济增长和减贫是通过创造就业机会来调节的. 有可能
经济发展却没有创造大量就业机会, 然后导致
对减贫影响较小. 最近几年, 许多欠发达国家-
尝试取得了比过去更高的经济增长率, 甚至
出口增长加快. 但人们普遍认为这不是翻译-
有效减少贫困并改善人类福祉。 13
墨西哥近年经济史分析, 爱德华多·泽佩达总结,
“主流政策成功地创造了经济增长，但事实证明这并不利于穷人
也不可持续. 墨西哥的经验表明需要抛弃盲人
相信市场力量并拥抱以就业为基础的政策。”14
例如, 印度经济多年来经历了快速的经济增长
几年, 特别是自从经济改革进程启动以来 1991.
尽管有这样的增长, 失业和就业不足依然严重
问题. 公开失业——关于 8 2007 年的百分比——不是真正的指标-
印度等经济体失业问题的严重性,
其特点是大规模就业不足和就业质量差-
无组织部门的权力. 印度百分之六十的劳动力是自营职业者,
其中许多人仍然非常贫穷. 几乎 30 百分比是临时工; 那是,
他们只有在能够找到工作并且在其余时间里保持无薪的情况下才工作
天. 仅约 10 百分比是正式员工, 其中五分之二是
受雇于公共部门. 印度的无就业增长是扭曲的结果
强调走资本密集型和技能密集型的发展道路。15 资本-
密集型部门, 比如重工业制造, 和技能密集型行业, 例如
信息技术, 无法解决印度的贫困问题. 拉贾·古普塔, 为了-
麦肯锡咨询公司总经理, 说, “有很多话要说
创新 / 体积 6, 数字 2
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阿尼尔·卡纳尼
在印度关于知识工作者和知识经济. 然而他们却是
打好基础知识的杂耍. 印度在人力等领域需要更多就业机会-
制造, 建造, 和农业综合企业, 不需要成为知识的地方-
边缘工人谋生。”16
人们越来越担心确保“有利于穷人”的增长. 过去十年
世界劳动年龄人口比例下降 (年龄 15
和更老的) 受雇的. 它站在 61.4 百分比在 2006, 1.2 百分点
低于十年前. 年轻人的下降幅度更大 (年龄 15
到 24); 在这个组内, 该比率从 51 百分比在 1996 到 46.8 每-
分在 2006.17
在发展中国家, 问题不仅在于失业，还在于
受雇者的工作条件. 在 2006, 有 1.3 十亿
那些工作但仍无法提升自己和家人的人
这 $2 一天贫困线. 还必须考虑正在寻找工作但找不到工作的失业人员, 人们灰心丧气，放弃寻找. 这是体面就业的巨大赤字. 自由市场倡导者经常认为，解决贫困的最佳解药是经济- 经济增长——即所谓的涓滴效应。18 假设经济增长将自动创造就业机会, 这反过来又会导致减贫- 的. 问题在于总体经济增长的涓滴效应太小, 太慢了, 而且太不均匀. 有必要制定专门针对减贫的计划，而不是仅仅等待总体增长效应发挥作用. 几个南美国家最近的政治变化——对市场自由化的幻灭和向民粹主义左翼的转变 (委内瑞拉, 玻利维亚, 厄瓜多尔, 和尼加拉瓜) 支持如此直接强调减贫. 发展中国家需要强调劳动密集型产业的增长, 低技能秒- 托尔斯, 比如农业, 轻工制造, 服装制造, 和旅游业. 很遗憾, 许多贫穷国家没有创造足够的就业机会，因此在减贫方面没有取得太大进展. 一些组合- 政府政策不当和市场失灵导致的国家- 创造就业机会. 这并不是提倡恢复印度和中国等国家数十年来抑制经济增长的集权政策. 有很多意识形态- 加州关于自由市场和国家在实现整体生态方面的作用的辩论- 经济增长。19 无论一个人在这场辩论中的立场如何, 然而, 当代- 历史清楚地表明，私营部门是创造就业机会的最佳引擎. 例如, 中国是过去三十年来对全球减贫贡献最大的国家. 自改革开放以来 1978, 多于 250 中国已有100万人脱贫. 私人秘书- Tor 是经济增长最快的部分, 生长于 20 过去每年的百分比 25 年, 是经济平均水平的两倍多. 自从 1992, 私营部门创造了四分之三的新就业机会, 根据国际金融公司的数据。20, 当然, 如何刺激私营部门的增长没有简单的答案. 世界银行衡量了 78 创新 / 从 http 下载的有意义的市场://direct.mit.edu/itgg/article-pdf/6/2/73/704809/inov_a_00071.pdf 访客于 08 九月 2023 就业扶贫 数字 1. 不同行业对国内生产总值 (GDP) 总量的贡献 183 国家重点关注十个不同领域的指标, 从“开办企业”到“保护投资者”再到“关闭企业”- ”21 这有助于促进人们对各种政策如何, 法律, 和雷古- 关系可以促进私营部门的增长, 尤其是中小企业部门. 中小企业 下一个问题是哪个经济部门可能成为创造就业机会的良好目标. 民间经济可分为三个部门: 非正规部门, 中小企业, 和大型企业. 非正规部门涵盖所有未出于税收目的报告收入的经济活动- es 和哪些未涵盖, 或覆盖不足, 通过正式安排，通常在法律正式管辖范围之外运作. 不同国家对中小企业的定义标准不同. 尽管有这种变化, 大多数消息来源从就业角度定义中小企业，并且对于削减达成了大致一致- 关点: 小微企业少于 10 雇员, 小企业少于 50 雇员, 中型企业少于 250. 中小企业被定义为正规企业, 假设所有微型企业都在信息系统中运营- 马尔部门. 原则, 当然, 这不一定是真的. 在实践中, 然而, 埃斯佩- 特别是在发展中国家, 大多数微型企业在非正规经济中运营，没有记录在中小企业数据中. 事实上，上述讨论的所有弱势就业都发生在非正规部门. 梅加纳·阿亚加里等人. 提供一个新的数据库，其中包含有关中小企业和非正规部门对广泛国家 GDP 总量贡献的综合统计数据, 如图总结 1.22 高收入国家中小企业部门在 GDP 中所占比例高于低收入国家. 非正规部门的比重与国家呈负相关- 尝试的收入水平. 有趣的是, 非正规和中小企业创新的共同贡献 / 体积 6, 数字 2 79 从http下载的://direct.mit.edu/itgg/article-pdf/6/2/73/704809/inov_a_00071.pdf 访客于 08 九月 2023 Aneel Karnani 各收入群体的部门占 GDP 的比例大致保持不变, 在大约 65 百分比到 70 百分. 随着收入增加, 然而, 从非正规部门向中小企业部门发生显着转变. 低收入国家经济结构两极分化, 与信息- 大型企业发挥着重要作用，而中小企业部门规模太小，即所谓的“中间缺失”。发展之路显然与中小企业部门日益增长的作用有关。23世界银行的另一份文件使用了跨国家- 尝试数据还发现“中小企业的重要性与人均GDP增长之间存在密切关联”. 这种关系, 然而, 对于控制同时性偏差来说并不稳健。”24 因此, 而大型中小企业部门是成功经济体的特征, 没有足够的经验证据证明中小企业增长导致- 经济增长. 因果关系的方向似乎是双向流动的. 尽管如此, 大多数政府都有支持中小企业发展的计划. 在巴基斯坦, 例如, 促进中小企业发展一直是“政府经济复苏战略的核心部分”, 扶贫和创造就业。”25 世界银行和其他国际援助机构- 国家为发展中国家中小企业提供有针对性的援助; 例如, 世界银行批准 $1.5 亿美元的中小企业支持计划 2002.26 一些
非政府组织也将重点放在中小企业领域, 例如TechnoServe, 案件
我在下面详细描述的研究. 另一个例子, 阿普罗泰克, 是一个小型非政府组织
旨在促进肯尼亚和其他国家的经济增长和创造就业机会
各国通过开发和推广可供企业家使用的技术-
神经元建立和经营盈利的小型企业.
国际劳工组织认为中小企业是就业机会的主要创造者-
因此，它是就业和减贫的重要关键。 27
中小企业的扩张比大企业更能促进就业，因为中小企业更
劳动密集型, 技能密集程度较低, 资本密集度较低, 从而创造就业机会
更适合穷人. 这也适合发展中国家
劳动力充裕，资本相对短缺. 中小企业贡献更多
公平的收入分配，因为他们往往分布更广泛-
与大型企业相比, 从而有助于缩小经济差距
城乡之间. 中小企业在经济中的存在往往
增加竞争, 从而促进更大的经济活力. 中小企业是
通常是经济增长和创新的源泉, 他们支持开发-
经济中技能和创业人才的配置和扩散.
在发达国家, 一些微型企业取得了成功并成长为
中小企业随着时间的推移. 然而, 这在发展中国家不太常见. 这
个体户贫困人口, 发展中国家的微型企业家, 通常有
没有专门技能, 经常从事多种职业, 并且很少毕业
中小企业.28 这是直接支持中小企业部门的另一个原因.
中国和印度在这个维度上比较很有趣. 在过去的两
几十年, 中国减少贫困的力度明显超过印度, 因为中国
创造了大量就业岗位，工资足以帮助人们摆脱贫困.
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数字 2. 工作穷人 ($2/天) 作为总就业的一部分 “工作穷人”的收入不足以使自己和家人摆脱贫困线. 造成这种情况的原因之一是男性中低技能就业的增长速度要快得多。- 29 中国制造业的产业结构与印度截然不同, 大约在哪里 87 占制造业的百分比- 就业人数不足 10 人的微型企业——其规模之小是任何新兴国家都无法比拟的。 30 中国的相应数字不到 5 百分. 关于 5 印度制造业就业的百分比来自中小企业部门, 相比 40 中国百分比. 弱势就业 消除贫困, 仅仅增加就业是不够的; 还必须减少弱势就业. 考虑一下是有启发性的 (看图 2 和 3) 东亚贫困和弱势就业随时间变化的模式, 南亚, 和撒哈拉以南非洲地区, 三个区域合计约占三个- 世界上四分之一的穷人。31 在东亚, 主要是中国, 贫困发生率显着下降 (见图 2), 弱势就业的比例是相关的- 非常小并且正在收缩 (见图 3). 在南亚, 主要是印度, 和撒哈拉以南非洲地区, 贫困发生率下降得慢得多- 莱, 脆弱就业的比例明显更大，并且只是缓慢缩小. 相比之下, 发达经济体中弱势就业的比例要小得多. 弱势就业, 其中大部分发生在微型企业, 并没有有效减少贫困. 规模经济 有大量研究证实企业规模与劳动生产率之间存在正相关关系. 这并不奇怪, 正如规模经济带来创新一样 / 体积 6, 数字 2 81 从http下载的://direct.mit.edu/itgg/article-pdf/6/2/73/704809/inov_a_00071.pdf 访客于 08 九月 2023 阿尼尔·卡纳尼人物形象 3. 弱势就业占总就业的百分比存在. 来自印度的证据表明，拥有超过 250 员工比那些只有 10 或更少的员工, 随着规模的逐步扩大，专业收益可观- 32 对于员工少于 10 人的微型企业来说，这个问题尤其严重. 其中许多企业的经营规模太小; 他们的生产力低下, 这导致收入微薄，无法使业主摆脱贫困。 33 在他对肯尼亚微型企业的研究中, 丹尼尔斯发现只有 26 这些业主的收入高于最低工资。 34 中小企业的生产率介于微型企业和大企业之间。 35 中小企业集中于规模经济不那么显着的活动，与大企业相比，其相对劣势也很小。, 包括轻工制造等劳动密集型产业, 以及餐馆和汽车维修等服务业. 另一种策略是通过专注于专业和利基市场来避免与大公司直接竞争. 小企业具有更大的灵活性和敏捷性的优势，还可以尝试通过战略联盟和外包来获得规模经济。 36 中小企业正在发展- 各国需要更有效地实施这些战略以实现增长; 这正是 TechnoServe 帮助发展中国家小企业蓬勃发展并做大的方式. TECHNOSERVE 我现在描述 TechnoServe 的一种创新且有效的方法, 中型非政府组织 (年度预算约 $50 百万) 总部设在华盛顿, 华盛顿特区, 这是
旨在通过促进许多贫困国家中小企业的发展来创造就业机会-
尝试, 尤其是在非洲和拉丁美洲. TechnoServe 的使命是帮助
发展中国家贫困地区的企业家男女共同建设
创造收入和就业的企业. 采取以市场为导向的
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就业扶贫
方法, TechnoServe 发现了具有高潜力但表现不佳的经济
子行业，然后寻求解决限制其发展的市场失灵问题-
选项. 在 2008, 技术服务提供了帮助 1,348 企业实现销售 $149 米尔- 狮子和利润 $16 百万; 这些企业支付了 $9 万元工资 32,600 雇员. TechnoServe 的方法基于一些基本原则: • 通过强调创造就业机会来减少贫困. 关注中小企业作为创造就业的引擎. • 私营企业是经济增长和创造就业的核心. 强调以市场为导向. 让多名玩家参与, 包括政府和贸易组织. TechnoServe 的角色是促进者. • 强调采用适当的技术来平衡劳动强度和生产率. 中小企业的竞争优势包括劳动力和资本密集度之间的适当平衡, 灵活性, 速度, 和“本地化”。 • 当地企业家在此过程中发挥着关键作用. 每个企业都必须成功- 通过强调成本竞争力和响应客户需求，在竞争环境中脱颖而出. 查看此方法的实际效果, 我们来看看 TechnoServe 的成功案例之一: 莫桑比克腰果产业的振兴. 莫桑比克的腰果产业 东非的腰果产业曾经是经济的驱动力, 莫桑比克是世界领先的生产国. 它达到顶峰于 1973, 当它占 240,000 吨生腰果, 其中 210,000 吨在莫桑比克加工. 莫桑比克独立后 1975, 政府规划者忽视了腰果产量，腰果产量开始下降. 这种趋势愈演愈烈- 多年来农业营销的混乱, 最初源于政府对国家资源配置的干预主义态度，即, 中央计划经济——后来是一场毁灭性的、长期的内战. 无法照顾他们的树木, 农民们多年来没有对他们进行治疗, 这导致了病虫害的传播. 失控的森林火灾也影响了进口- 坦特腰果园. 处理能力也恶化, 无论是身体素质还是管理能力. 总产量下降至 22,000 吨 1990; 经过 2002 它已经恢复到只有 50,000 吨, 没有一个是在本地处理的. 在 1998, 莫桑比克政府取消生腰果出口禁令. 出口商可以提供比陷入困境的国内工厂更高的价格, 大多数生坚果被运往印度. 当地工厂停工, 消除许多工作岗位并减少国内对生坚果的需求. 到今年 2000, 而不是养活一个服务于全球市场的充满活力的国内产业, 莫桑比克的生坚果被出售给印度加工商, 有效出口主要的农工业机会. 创新 / 体积 6, 数字 2 83 从http下载的://direct.mit.edu/itgg/article-pdf/6/2/73/704809/inov_a_00071.pdf 访客于 08 九月 2023 Aneel Karnani TechnoServe 在莫桑比克 TechnoServe 参与莫桑比克腰果行业始于 1998 并对其振兴发挥了重要作用. 在 2005, 莫桑比克产 82,000 吨生坚果, 9,000 其中数吨在当地加工; 出口总额 $3.6 百万, with strong potential for further growth. 经过 2008, exports of
processed kernels had more than doubled, reaching $10 million and creating over 6,200 formal sector jobs. The incomes of about 120,000 small-scale farmers have increased significantly, based on a combination of yield improvement and better prices. 为了 2008, the incremental incomes of farmers due to price increases attrib- utable to the domestic processing industry were calculated at just under $2.5 米尔-
狮子. The increment is due to domestic processing which yields higher prices. 这
ultimate size of the industry could be many times larger, based on gradual replant-
ing and expansion of the nation’s over-mature cashew orchards.
TechnoServe began by identifying the opportunity and making a business case
for the cashew industry in Mozambique. The fact that Mozambique has a progres-
sive government was an important and positive factor, as TechnoServe wants to
work in countries where entrepreneurs can flourish and regulations are not oner-
乌斯. The organization’s donors share its skepticism about centrally planned
经济体.
TechnoServe’s regional director wrote an unsolicited proposal to USAID,
which was accepted and funded. TechnoServe subsequently hired a new director
for Mozambique, a seasoned agri-business professional, and engaged a volunteer
from the Netherlands office of McKinsey & 公司, the management consulting
firm. Working with key stakeholders, the volunteer analyzed the cashew industry
to identify key drivers of commercial success and decide on a competitive strategy.
Their strategic approach involved three major interrelated elements: focusing on
small to midsize enterprises, hand shelling, and locating factories near farms. 这
analysis revealed that smaller factories in prime production areas had advantages
in purchasing raw materials and transportation costs, and that using labor-inten-
sive shelling technologies was superior to mechanical options when workers were
properly trained and motivated. The lower investment and operating costs of these
smaller plants also made them more feasible for local entrepreneurs.
历史上, large-scale processors dominated the Mozambican cashew indus-
尝试. The old plants in Mozambique had a capacity of 10,000 tons and used
mechanical shelling technology; the capital cost was $600 每吨, and the operat- ing cost was $1.30 per kilogram of output. TechnoServe proposed using small-
scale plants with a capacity of 1,000 tons and manual shelling technology; the cap-
ital cost was $140 每吨, and the operating cost was $0.56 per kilogram of out-
放. Even the output quality (measured by percentage of whole nut yield) was bet-
ter for the small plants. To run large-scale plants successfully required sophisticat-
ed managers not readily available in Mozambique. The smaller plants were consid-
ered much more likely to achieve better capacity utilization. 小的, geographically
dispersed plants located close to raw nut sources were also expected to reduce
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transportation costs and increase supplier loyalty and commitment.
Each small plant would employ 200 workers for a monthly wage bill of
$15,000; the employees would enjoy an official minimum wage salary; one month of paid vacation; all insurance, 健康, and pension entitlements; one meal a day; and child care. Each plant would provide a reliable market for raw cashew nuts from about 10,000 small-scale farmer families and pay a premium price for quali- 蒂. Another advantage of locating plants near farms was that the plants could pro- mote improved production and husbandry by providing farmers with better seedling varieties, extension training, and other inputs. While this is currently hap- pening only on a limited basis, there are signs that it will expand. TechnoServe then recruited a business advisor, a local cashew nut industry expert, to establish a one-stop shop to provide all services to entrepreneurs. 在 2001, TechnoServe partnered with a progressive Mozambican entrepreneur, Antonio Miranda, to launch the new enterprise, Miranda Caju. In the early phase, the business advisor provided intensive support for Miranda Caju: recruiting supervisors, selecting workers, advising on the compensation system, training workers, designing plant layout, identifying equipment, and designing locally fab- ricated equipment, such as a boiler. After some start-up glitches, the firm was soon profitable. Miranda Caju opened a second 1,000-ton plant in 2004; revenues that year were $1 百万.
TechnoServe used Miranda Caju’s first plant as a working laboratory to refine
the business model and train other interested entrepreneurs. 经过 2006, 技术服务
was working with nine start-up enterprises that had a total capacity of 11,700 吨.
TechnoServe offered these entrepreneurs a wide range of resources, 包括
strategic planning, 营销, technical advice, quality control, supply-chain man-
代理, and facilitating access to investment and working capital. Volunteer con-
sultants, many from McKinsey & 公司, Bain & 公司, and other global
公司, supplemented TechnoServe’s efforts in Mozambique. Miranda Caju,
the initial processing plant, paid TechnoServe $5,000 per year for consulting serv- ices, a mechanism that ensured TechnoServe was really adding value. For later industry entrants, the fee was waived in favor of the new companies supporting two industry trade associations, Association of Agribusiness Industries (AIA) and AICAJU (见下文). Marketing Cashew Nuts Although the small-scale plants process efficiently, their individual marketing is inefficient. These small rural enterprises do not have the scale to develop and maintain effective communications and commercial relationships with foreign buyers, let alone to develop proprietary brands. The logistics of export markets require container-size shipments of uniformly graded and sorted cashew nuts, which favors much larger-scale operations. TechnoServe took the lead in develop- ing the Association of Agribusiness Industries, a private service company owned by some of the cashew processing companies. Located in the northern port of Nacala, 创新 / 体积 6, 数字 2 85 从http下载的://direct.mit.edu/itgg/article-pdf/6/2/73/704809/inov_a_00071.pdf 访客于 08 九月 2023 Aneel Karnani AIA is the primary marketer of the cashew nuts processed by its owners, as well as by some non-owners. It acts as a final quality-control agent and exporter, organiz- es bulk purchases of equipment and consumables, and offers some limited train- ing and technical assistance to its members. With pro bono assistance from the advertising agency Young & Rubicam, the AIA has developed a brand, Zambique, to control product quality and communicate the superior qualities of AIA-brand- ed cashew nuts. AIA is also assuming the leading role in negotiating with the gov- ernment on policies that affect the industry, which was previously done by TechnoServe. AIA has begun to provide many of the services that TechnoServe provided in the first several years, but on a for-profit basis. TechnoServe brings together various players to support the cashew industry. It worked with the industry to resuscitate the AICAJU, the cashew nut trade associa- 的, as a broad industry advocate. It released a key staff member to work as a pri- vate consultant to assist the government of Mozambique with strategic planning for INCAJU, the government agency responsible for promoting the cashew nut industry. With TechnoServe’s guidance, AIA is now working with the government to design and implement policies favorable to the cashew industry. 例如, it is advocating a gradual reduction of the protective export tax on raw nuts, which penalizes farmers and undermines real long-term industry competitiveness. When the processors needed working capital to purchase their year’s supply of raw mate- rial during the brief harvest season, TechnoServe worked with INCAJU to design a loan guarantee program supported by the government. Needs rapidly expanded beyond INCAJU’s resources, and USAID stepped in to support a loan guarantee program offered by the Ministry of Industry and Commerce. 在 2009, efforts were begun to have a local commercial bank take over the loan program without a guar- 前. 在 2008, the factories in Mozambique processed 23,700 tons of cashews. TechnoServe’s 16 clients’ cashew-processing plants bought nuts from over 100,000 small-scale producers, had total revenues of $12 百万, employed over 4,700 人-
普莱, and paid $1.6 million in wages. 在 2008, having achieved its original aim of reviving the domestic cashew nut processing industry in Mozambique, TechnoServe ceased its program of subsi- dized assistance. Having subsequently shared some of the lessons learned in Mozambique through its cashew sector work in Tanzania, 肯尼亚, and South Africa, TechnoServe is now replicating the approach through a large program working with West African cashew processors in Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, and Ghana. EMPLOYABILITY Reducing poverty through employment requires three major thrusts: (1) 创造就业, (2) 提高就业能力, 和 (3) make the labor market more effi- cient. I now turn to the second and third of these issues. The best way to increase the employability of the poor is, 当然, to improve education. But education 86 创新 / 从 http 下载的有意义的市场://direct.mit.edu/itgg/article-pdf/6/2/73/704809/inov_a_00071.pdf 访客于 08 九月 2023 Reducing Poverty Through Employment alone is not the solution to unemployment. 在发展中国家, the supply of educated people has often outpaced the supply of jobs to accommodate them; unemployment tends to increase among better educated young people. South Asia’s labor market is characterized by pervasive unemployment and underem- ployment, especially among the youth and the educated.37 “There is a widening chasm between students’ qualifications and . . . 就业能力. It sweeps the coun- 尝试 [印度], particularly its . . . non-metropolitan regions.”38 Data from the Employment Generation & 营销使命 (EGMM) indicates a significant problem of unemployment among the educated in the state of Andhra Pradesh in India (见表 1). Even when economic growth generates employment opportunities, the jobs might not get filled, due to friction in the labor markets. The education system sometimes graduates students without giving them the skills required by employ- 呃, thus there is a mismatch between the curricula adopted by the schools and the requirements of the marketplace. Companies have job openings and there are qualified people who need jobs, but the jobs and the people do not get linked together. The poor might not even be motivated to look for a job. There are also problems caused by a lack of information and labor mobility. Even if motivated to find a job, the poor often do not know where and how to search for one. 此外, the jobs could be in a geographically, socially, and culturally unfa- miliar and/or unreachable place. Youth Unemployment Crisis The transition from school to work and from childhood to adult life can determine a person’s and a family’s—and, 集体地, a community’s—chances of escaping poverty. As the youth reach adulthood and become parents, their having good and steady employment is likely to lead to a significant and sustained reduction in poverty. Young people are among the world’s greatest assets, and yet youth are more than three times as likely as adults to be unemployed. The global deficit in employment opportunities has created a situation in which one out of every three youth is either seeking but unable to find work, has given up the job search entire- 莱, or is working but still living below the US$2 a day poverty line. “The world is
facing a growing youth employment crisis . . . In recent years slowing global
employment growth, and increasing unemployment, underemployment and disil-
lusionment have hit young people the hardest.”39 Today, 89 percent of the world’s
youth live in developing economies, where the employment deficit is most
extreme.
There is growing evidence that being unemployed at an early age has a direct
and negative impact on future income streams. Research has shown that unem-
ployed youth suffer a permanent decrease in their lifetime earning profile; 一
study suggests an income penalty from early unemployment as high as 21 百分
at age 42.40 Youth unemployment results in reduced investment in human capital,
depriving the young of labor force experience in the time of life when it yields the
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桌子 1. Education and Unemployment in Andhra Pradesh.
highest return, and frequently leading to unsuitable labor behavior patterns that
last a lifetime. If they fail to gain a proper foothold in the labor market from the
start of their working life, young people are less able to make choices that improve
their own job prospects and those of their future dependents, thus perpetuating
the cycle of insufficient education, low productivity, and poverty from one gener-
ation to the next.
Youth unemployment is costly not only in terms of economic development but
also social development. There is a proven link between youth unemployment and
social exclusion, and it creates a sense of vulnerability, uselessness, and idleness
among young people.41 Youth unemployment is also associated with high levels of
犯罪, 暴力, substance abuse, and the rise of political extremism. In some
国家, virtually the only paid employment open to young men is with the var-
ious armed groups involved in civil conflict. For unemployed young women, 这
danger of entrapment in the sex industry is widespread.42
Christoph Ernst of the ILO calls for special youth employment programs in
addition to general growth and investment policies, and argues that a strategy for
job creation needs to cover both labor demand and supply, combined with well-
targeted and structured interventions.43 Many governments have developed initia-
tives targeted at youth employment. Even in a rich country like Canada, the gov-
ernment created the Youth Employment Strategy to help young people, 特别的-
ly those facing barriers to employment, get the information and gain the skills they
need to make a successful transition into the workplace.44 Recognizing the risk of
falling behind on the target of achieving decent employment, and youth employ-
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ment in particular, the government of Tanzania has introduced an employment
creation program.45 NGOs too have entered this arena; the Youth Entrepreneurship
and Sustainability (YES) campaign was launched in 2002 to promote youth
employability and employment creation.46 The 83 YES country networks bring
together diverse stakeholders, including governments, 公司, 银行, 和
NGOs. I next detail the case study of the Employment Generation & Marketing
Mission, a good example of what Ernst advocates: a well-targeted intervention
focused on youth employment.
THE EMPLOYMENT GENERATION & MARKETING MISSION
EGMM is an innovative and effective organization that addresses the issue of
employment among the underprivileged rural youth in Andhra Pradesh (AP) 在
India.47 EGMM does not help create jobs; 相当, it facilitates the employment of
poor rural youth by reducing friction in labor markets. It was launched in October
2005 as an autonomous body under the Rural Development Department of the
Andhra Pradesh government, which is located in Hyderabad, the state capital.
EGMM is a government organization that works closely with the private sector
and rural communities. The program works on a large scale: 101,000 youth were
trained in 2009, 和 73 percent placed in organized-sector jobs. EGMM first iden-
tifies and motivates the poor unemployed youth, provides them with brief train-
英, then works with companies to match these young people to jobs, 最后
helps them make the transition to a job in the urban environment.
Andhra Pradesh
Andhra Pradesh is the fourth largest state in India, with a population of about 80
百万. The per capita income in AP is about the same as for all of India, 和
annual economic growth in AP has been 5.5 percent over the last two decades. AP
is a major producer of agricultural products; it is also home to many industrial and
information technology companies. As in India in general, unemployment is a
major problem in the state of Andhra Pradesh. A typical village there with 500
households (关于 2,500 人们) 有 50-60 unemployed people, of whom five are
university graduates and seven graduated from an industrial training institute.
幸运的是, the rapid economic growth in AP in recent years has created many
low-skill jobs, such as security guards, retail assistants, construction workers, 和
garment factory workers.
Identifying and Motivating
Identifying unemployed rural youth in the interior of the state is the first chal-
许久, since villages and tribal hamlets in remote areas have limited connectivity. A
cadre called the Job Resource Persons (JRPs) has been created and trained by the
EGMM from among the communities. The JRPs travel to rural villages, where they
go from house to house and participate in village meetings in order to create a
database of the unemployed youth.
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The next step is to motivate the youth to seek employment. The unemployed
youth in remote areas are frustrated that their education has not helped them get
工作, and previous government job programs have not been effective. The jobless
youth then fall prey to social problems like drugs and naxalism—a radical, 经常
violent revolutionary communist movement in India. Local youth constantly ask
the JRPs why they should enroll in the training programs offered by EGMM, so to
help motivate them, the JRPs invite an employed young person who has benefited
from the training, or his/her mother whose life has been improved by the sustained
income flow, to address the youth groups and explain the variety of training
options that are based on individual aspirations and qualifications.
The AP government has facilitated the creation of a large network of self-help
团体 (SHGs) for rural women. These are basically thrift and credit groups that
meet regularly and use their collectivized savings to leverage bank loans for income
generation and consumption purposes. EGMM works with SHG leaders, 谁是
opinion-makers in their communities, to discuss unemployment and jobs issues in
their monthly meetings and participate in the valedictory functions. SHG leaders
are also taken to visit companies where youth from their villages are employed.
This results in grassroots ownership of the work and makes them stakeholders in
the process. At their monthly meetings, the SHG leaders influence the mothers of
unemployed youth, who in turn motivate their children.
Training
EGMM has set up 280 no-frills academies that cover a wide range of topics linked
to the emerging economic growth sectors. These include the Rural Retail Academy,
Rural Security Academy, Rural English and Soft Skills Academy, Work Readiness
and Computer Academy, a construction training center, and a textile training cen-
特尔. To achieve acceptance and scale, the unemployed youth are channeled into a
training program appropriate to their qualifications and aspirations. Youth who
are illiterate and want to remain in their home village are advised to enroll in the
construction or textile industry training programs. Youth who are literate (10th
grade and up) and are willing to relocate enroll in the Retail, 安全, 英语, 和
Work Readiness academies. I will illustrate the training process described by the
Security and Retail academies.
The business of providing security services is growing at the rapid rate of 35
percent per year in AP. 有 800 companies or contractors in this sector in AP
独自的. Many of them are exploitative fly-by-night operators who employ youth
from villages and often do not pay them their earned wages. The youth then return
to their villages in a few months, disenchanted with the system. To combat this,
EGMM formed an alliance with G4S (formerly G-4 Securicor), A $2 billion Danish company that is the world’s leading security solutions group and operates in over 100 国家. G4S is the largest security services company in India, 和 130,000 雇员. Entry-level security guards earn reasonable wages, Rs. 48,000 ($1,066)
per year, with fringe benefits such as a retirement fund and medical reimburse-
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蒙特. This compares to the per capita income in India of Rs. 38,084.48 Before the
联盟, G4S interviewed 200 青年, and fewer than 10 percent passed the compa-
ny’s screening. EGMM conducted an analysis of the company’s recruiting needs,
from which it developed a 15-day training module, with the help of the company,
which taught the youth basic conversational English, grooming, and goal-setting
技能. EGMM spent $82 on each candidate for the training program. After the training module, 70-80 percent of the youth passed the company’s screening process. “The quality of manpower provided by EGMM is really good and we plan to recruit 5,000 persons in 2006-07,” said P. V. Sudarshan, the G4S general manag- er in Andhra Pradesh.49 Buoyed by the success with G4S, other security services companies, such as Protex, have approached EGMM to provide skilled manpower. EGMM trained and placed 15,000 youth in security agencies in 2007. The positive impact of this sim- ple model led to the rural community taking ownership of the program. Surveys indicated that 500,000 entry-level retail jobs will be created in the southern states of India alone. In response to the booming retail market, EGMM set up Rural Retail Academies, which offer a 45-day training program that includes course modules developed with the help of industry. Besides emphasizing cus- tomer relations management, the program also covers simple spoken English, life skills, and personality development. This includes lessons on body language, grooming, etiquette, time and conflict management, and leadership qualities. Youth are taught how to build their resumes, interviewing skills, and job search skills. Local teachers were recruited through written tests and interviews and groomed to be trainers rather than teachers. In rural India, classes tend to be non- participatory and emphasize rote learning. 相比之下, EGMM trainers were groomed to emphasize active, participatory learning and market-oriented skills. Besides learning pedagogical approaches such as role-playing, the trainers were taken through an immersion process. They accompanied the JRPs to the villages for three days and worked on choosing youth for their first classes. The trainers also sat through company interviews to understand the market requirements. 在 2006-2007, 15,000 youth were placed in entry-level jobs in companies such as McDonald’s, Wipro, Reliance Retail, and the India Tobacco Company. Their incomes ranged between $533 per year in semi-urban locations and $1,333 in major cities. “The results have been very encouraging,” says S. Sivakumar, CEO of India Tobacco Company’s agri-business division.50 Transition Going from living with family in a rural village to living alone in a big city and working in a large company is a challenging transition. An EGMM survey of com- panies employing rural youth showed high attrition in the first month. A major cause of the attrition was the simple fact that the companies didn’t pay salaries until the end of the first month, and the poor youth often arrived in the cities with- out any money. This made it difficult for them to survive the first month and innovations / 体积 6, 数字 2 91 从http下载的://direct.mit.edu/itgg/article-pdf/6/2/73/704809/inov_a_00071.pdf 访客于 08 九月 2023 Aneel Karnani resulted in their dropping the job. EGMM now lends one-month’s salary to the newly employed youth, which is repaid in soft installments. EGMM counselors meet the youth when they first migrate to cities and help them find low-cost hos- tel accommodations and generally get settled in. The counselors also visit the youth in the workplace to deal with any initial challenges. 在 2007, the late Y. S. Rajasekhara Reddy, then chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, announced a plan to arrange transit homes in and around Hyderabad, the biggest city in AP.51 The youth are allowed to stay in these homes for three to six months, which gives them time to find other suitable accommodations. While EGMM does provide training, its success is due more to its role in improving the efficiency of the labor market for rural youth from remote loca- 系统蒸发散. It identifies and motivates these young people and then gives them appro- priate information about job opportunities. Equally importantly, it increases labor mobility by facilitating the youth’s transition from remote rural locations to an unfamiliar urban environment. Impact EGMM was started in 2005 by the state government of AP, with the help of the World Bank, the central Indian government, and seed capital of $1.11 百万. 这
results so far have been impressive: EGMM trained 75,000 youth in 2008 和
101,000 在 2009. The budget increased to $4.44 百万 2006-2007 并 $24.44
百万 2007-2008. Eighty percent of the trainees were placed in jobs in the pri-
vate organized sector; the firms recruiting included McDonald’s, Reliance Fresh,
HDFC Bank, Unilever Hindustan, Larsen & Toubro, and Arvind Mills. “We are
spending about $222 per student, and the target is to train 100,000 rural youth to make them employable in 2007-2008,” said rural development minister Dr. Chinna Reddy.52 EGMM’s experience shows that providing one job in the organized sector to one youth can take the entire family out of poverty in a sustained manner. The rural poor are mostly agricultural laborers with erratic incomes of barely $266 A
年. Youth who work in the cities often send money back to their families. 一
small survey conducted by EGMM showed average remittances of $533 一年. The survey showed that 38 percent of the families use the remittances to pay off debts, 19 percent to purchase assets, 12 percent for education, 23 percent for savings, 和 8 percent for other reasons. Many anecdotes suggest a significant increase in the self-confidence and self- esteem of the youth involved in the program. One example is Gonela Swamy, A 20- year-old from the village of Veldanda in Warangal, who was clueless about what he wanted to do after graduating from school.53 He became depressed when he failed to get a job due to his lack of fluency in English and poor communication skills. After completing the 45-day training program at the Rural English and Soft Skills Academy, Swamy found a job working as a customer support associate in 92 创新 / 从 http 下载的有意义的市场://direct.mit.edu/itgg/article-pdf/6/2/73/704809/inov_a_00071.pdf 访客于 08 九月 2023 Reducing Poverty Through Employment Hometown, a shopping mall. “It is the turning point in my life. From loitering around in my village, today I am working in the capital,” a beaming Swamy said. 有趣的是, aspirations soar even for those youth who are placed in low-level entry jobs. Several youth who worked as security guards in IT companies have enrolled in computer classes; they now aspire to work “from outside to inside an IT company.” An EGMM executive recounted the story of a manager at IBM who was amazed to hear a security guard tell him it was his last day, because he had learned some computer programming in his spare time and was now switching careers. Employment opportunities in India are highly discriminatory against women.54 EGMM also helps to correct this imbalance: 40 percent of their trainees are women. Public-Private Partnership A major reason for EGMM’s success is that it combined the market-oriented approach of the private sector, the economies of scale provided by the government, and the commitment of the grassroots communities. EGMM is incorporated as a society by the rural development department of the government of Andhra Pradesh, making it a government-managed program strongly linked to private- sector needs. Its institutional framework departs from existing governmental norms: the executive committee is chaired by the state’s minister of rural develop- 蒙特, and its members are senior government officers and top executives from the private sector. The top managers of EGMM, which is headed by the executive director, are a private-sector team responsible for strategy development and imple- 心理状态. Aiding the top management team are senior government officers and, in the field, an implementation team of professionals and members of communi- ty organizations. The program and its targets are monitored by the chief minister, and state-level ministers participate in activities such as graduation ceremonies, all of which helps to achieve an enabling political environment. The rural development department consciously decided that EGMM budgets should be funded by the government, without any contribution from private com- 企业, to achieve the scale needed. The funding was justified partly because this program reduces social tensions created by unemployed youth and does so at the reasonable cost of $222 per person. The impact is measurable and can be achieved
within only two to three months, which is the length of the training courses.
Government participation also helps reduce costs; 例如, unused govern-
ment schools were converted into training academies.
According to TeamLease, a temporary staffing company in Bangalore, 印度, 58
percent of India’s youths are not prepared for work or suffer from some kind of
skill deprivation.55 While around 14 million people enter the workforce every year,
仅有的 7 percent work in the organized sector. While the privatization of skill devel-
opment is possible to some extent, significant government intervention in deliver-
ing training and financing is needed to reach poor people. Manish Sabharwal,
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chairman of TeamLease, says companies are not ready to pay to train potential
recruits, and candidates are unable to pay for training or placement services. 很多
then depends on programs like EGMM. “We are not a human resources outfit. 我们的
agenda is to take people out of poverty and provide jobs to first-generation work-
呃,” says Meera Shenoy, executive director of EGMM.
Private-Sector Network
The top management team of EGMM has cultivated a network of companies in
rapidly growing industries that have large demand-supply gaps for entry-level
人手, such as services, textiles, and construction. Members of the network
range from CEOs of companies to regional human resources managers. No appeal
is made to the companies based on corporate social responsibility. 相当, 这
companies participate in the network because it is in their self-interest to do so.
Due to the rapid growth in the Indian economy in recent years, there is a shortage
of qualified labor. EGMM helps the companies tap into an alternate labor pool:
poor rural youth who are trained and motivated to work. This puts the EGMM
and companies on equal footing and helps in negotiating better work conditions
for the rural youth. 例如, in the retail sector, companies recruiting for
entry-level positions used to require candidates to have completed the 12th grade.
Now companies in the network recruit youth who have passed only 10th grade and
have been trained by EGMM.
EGMM encourages young people to work in their companies for at least one
年, which reduces the attrition level for the companies. Recruiting from the rural
academies also reduces companies’ recruiting costs, since the candidates have been
prescreened by EGMM. The network companies tend to come back regularly to
the Rural Academies for their entry-level manpower needs.
Companies participate actively in designing the training programs and also
often give guest lectures. This ensures that the training is market oriented and
deepens the companies’ involvement in the program. All network companies are
required to go to the rural academies to recruit the youth. A side benefit of this has
been that company executives quite often have to spend a night in or near a village,
and they have used their time to interact with the youth, listening to their stories
of poverty and struggle. This helps the executives understand the context of the
young people’s situations more fully and have a deeper exchange with the commu-
本质. It also sensitizes companies to the passion and vision of EGMM and changes
their mindset about youth. After such visits, executives often volunteer to partici-
pate in training modules and give guest lectures.
GENERALIZATIONS
I have argued that poverty reduction efforts should focus on increasing employ-
蒙特. Focusing on employment assumes a reasonably pro-business environment
在国内, but this is a low-threshold requirement. This approach probably
would not work in collapsing economies within failed states such as Sudan,
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缅甸, and Somalia, but it would work in a large number of emerging
经济体. The two countries discussed above, Mozambique and India, are far
from ideal environments. On the World Bank’s “Doing Business Index,”
Mozambique ranks 135th and India ranks 133rd out of 183 国家. On the
“Corruption Perception Index,” Mozambique ranks 126th and India 85th out of
180 国家. Andhra Pradesh ranks near the top, 然而, among the states in
India in terms of pro-business environment and lack of corruption. In that sense,
the two case studies are set in environments not atypical of many emerging
经济体.
At a broad conceptual level, both TechnoServe’s and EGMM’s interventions are
consistent with and illustrative of the central thesis of this article: that the best way
to reduce poverty is to create opportunities for steady employment at reasonable
工资. The labor market involves employers (the demand side) and employees (这
supply side). With regard to employers, it is a good idea to target the SME sector,
which is the major creator of employment opportunities and is underdeveloped in
poor countries—exactly what TechnoServe does. With regard to employees, it is a
good idea to target the youth, who suffer higher unemployment than adults and
would benefit more from increased employment—exactly what EGMM does.
These ideas, illustrated by these two case studies, have broad generalizability: 这-
tiatives that focus on increasing employment and target the SME sector or the
youth would be useful in most developing countries.
结论
The best way to reduce poverty is to raise the income of the poor by focusing on
them as producers. As labor is the main resource that most poor people are
endowed with, labor-intensive growth is the most effective way to reduce poverty.
Creating opportunities for steady employment at reasonable wages is the best way
to take people out of poverty. Reducing poverty through employment requires
three major thrusts: (1) 创造就业, (2) 提高就业能力, 和 (3)
make the labor market more efficient. These are not just abstract ideas but prag-
matic, action-oriented proposals.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Meera Shenoy (Executive Director, Employment Generation
& 营销使命), Bruce McNamer (CEO, 技术服务), Simon Winter
(Senior Vice President, 技术服务), and Steve Londner (Senior Advisor,
技术服务) for much help and access to their organizations.
1. Aneel Karnani, “Mirage of Marketing to the Bottom of the Pyramid,” California Management
审查 49, 不. 4, 2007, PP. 90-111.
2. Jeffrey Sachs, The End of Poverty. 纽约: 企鹅图书, 2005. For a critique of this approach,
see books by development experts Easterly and Dichter. 瓦. Easterly, The White Man’s Burden.
牛津: 牛津大学出版社, 2006; 时间. 瓦. Dichter, Despite Good Intentions. Amherst: 大学
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of Massachusetts Press, 2003.
3. Thomas Friedman, The World Is Flat. 纽约: 法拉尔, 斯特劳斯和吉鲁, 2005. For a critique of
这种方法, see books by economists Stiglitz and Chang. George Stiglitz, Globalization and Its
Discontents.New York: W.W. 诺顿, 2002; Ha-Joon Chang, Bad Samaritans. 纽约:
布卢姆斯伯里出版社, 2008.
4. C. K. 普拉哈拉德, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid. Upper Saddle River, 新泽西州: Wharton School
出版, 2004. For a critique of this approach, see research by Aneel Karnani: “Mirage of
Marketing to the Bottom of the Pyramid”; Fighting Poverty Together: Rethinking Strategies for
商业, 政府, and Civil Society to Reduce Poverty. 纽约: 帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦, 2011.
5. A. Sen, Development as Freedom. 纽约: Anchor Books, 2000.
6. “The Least Developed Countries Report 2006,” United Nations; Developing Productive
Capacities, Working Paper, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, 2006.
7. 阿尼尔·卡纳尼, “Microfinance Misses Its Mark,” Stanford Social Innovation Review, 夏天 2007.
8. Moving Out of Poverty: Success from the Bottom Up. 华盛顿, 直流: World Bank, 2009.
9. “Global Employment Trends Brief,” International Labor Organization, 2007.
10. 参见http://www.doingbusiness.org/. Accessed September 13, 2009.
11. Key Indicators of the Labor Market, 5特德. 日内瓦: 国际劳工组织, 2007.
12. Martin Ravallion, “Pro-Poor Growth: A Primer.” Washington, 直流: World Bank, 2004.
13. “The Least Developed Countries Report 2006”; Developing Productive Capacities.
14. Eduardo Zepeda, “Learning from the Past: Mexico’s Failed Pro-Market Policy Experience,”
Poverty in Focus. Brasilia, 巴西: International Poverty Center, 十二月 2008.
15. K. Kochhar et al., “India’s Pattern of Development: What Happened, What Follows?》杂志
Monetary Economics, 53:981-1019, 2006.
16. 拉贾·古普塔, “Fulfilling India’s Promise,” McKinsey Quarterly, Special Edition, 2005.
17. “Global Employment Trends Brief,” International Labor Organization, 2007.
18. 例如, A. Virmani, “Poverty and Hunger in India: What Is Needed to Eliminate Them,”
working paper no. 1/2006-PC, The Government of India, Planning Commission, 2006.
19. For opposing views on this ideological debate, 看, 例如, 马丁·沃尔夫, Why Globalization
Works. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004; Ha-Joon Chang, Bad Samaritans. 纽约:
布卢姆斯伯里出版社, 2008.
20. Scaling Up Private Sector Models for Poverty Reduction. 华盛顿: 直流: International Finance
公司, 2004.
21. 参见http://www.doingbusiness.org/. Accessed September 13, 2009.
22. Meghana Ayyagari, Thorsten Beck, and Asli Demirguc-Kunt, “Small and Medium Enterprises
across the Globe: A New Database,” policy research working paper 3127, The World Bank,
八月 2003.
23. Anne O. Krueger, “The Missing Middle,“ 工作文件 20, Indian Council for Research on
International Economic Relations, 新德里, 2009.
24. Thorsten Beck, Asli Demirguc-Kunt, and Ross Levine, “Small and Medium Enterprises, 生长,
and Poverty: Cross-Country Evidence,” policy research working paper 3178, 世界银行,
十二月 2003.
25. “SME Led Economic Growth: Creating Jobs and Reducing Poverty,” Government of Pakistan,
Ministry of Industries, Production and Special Initiatives. 可用于
http://www.smeda.org/downloads/smepolicy2007.pdf. Accessed January 8, 2010.
26. Beck et al., “Small and Medium Enterprises.”
27. “World Employment Report 2004-05,” International Labor Organization, 2005.
28. A. Banerjee and E. Duflo, “The Economic Lives of the Poor,” 经济展望杂志,
2006.
29. Krueger, “The Missing Middle.”
30. Sean M. Dougherty, Richard Herd, Thomas Chalaux, and Abdul Azeez Erumban “India’s Growth
Pattern and Obstacles to Higher Growth,” working paper no. 62, 巴黎: 经合组织, 2008.
31. Key Indicators of the Labor Market.
32. Dougherty et al., “India’s Growth Pattern.”
96
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33. Karnani, “Microfinance Misses Its Mark.”
34. L. Daniels, “The Role of Small Enterprises in the Household and National Economy in Kenya: A
Significant Contribution or Last Resort,” World Development 27, 不. 1, 1999.
35. “World Employment Report 2004-05,” International Labor Organization, 2005.
36. A. Fiegenbaum and A. Karnani, “Output Flexibility: A Competitive Advantage for Small Firms,”
Strategic Management Journal 12, 不. 2, 1991.
37. The Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre, Human Development in South Asia 2003: 这
Employment Challenge. Karachi, 巴基斯坦: 牛津大学出版社, 2003.
38. Vishal Krishna, “Educated, but Unemployable,” Businessworld. 可在 http 上获取://www.business-
world.in/content/view/2531/2609/1/0/. Accessed April 28, 2008.
39. Global Employment Trends for Youth, 国际劳工组织, 2006.
40. 磷. Gregg and E. Tominey, “The Wage Scar from Male Youth Unemployment,” Labor Economics,
八月 2005.
41. 磷. Ryan, “The School-to-Work Transition: A Cross-National Perspective,” Journal of Economic
Literature, 2000.
42. Working Out of Poverty, 国际劳工组织, 2003.
43. Christoph Ernst, “Promoting Youth Employment,” Poverty in Focus. Brasilia, 巴西: 国际的
Poverty Center, 十二月 2008.
44. See http://www.servicecanada.gc.ca/eng/epb/yi/yep/newprog/yesprograms.shtml. Accessed
一月 8, 2010.
45. See http://webapps01.un.org/nvp/frontend!policy.action?id=462&tab=analysis. Accessed
一月 8, 2010.
46. 参见http://www.yesweb.org/aboutus.htm. Accessed January 8, 2010.
47. 参见http://www.egmm.ap.gov.in/. Accessed January 8, 2010.
48. Amount is for the year 2008-2009. The exchange rate is approximately $1= Rs. 45.
49. Ravi Reddy, “Rural Youngsters Fly High with Security Services Jobs,” The Hindu, 九月 16,
2006.
50. Malini Goyal, “Jobs for Rural Youth,” The Economics Times, 十一月 7, 2007.
51. “Transit Homes for the Rural Youth,” The Hindu, 八月 21, 2007.
52. “Andhra Charts Plan to Train 1 Lakh Rural Youth,” The Economic Times, 十一月 9, 2007.
53. Ravi Reddy, “A Ray of Hope for Rural Youth,” The Hindu, 八月 3, 2007.
54. The Mahbub ul Haq Human Development Centre, Human Development in South Asia 2003.
55. “A Fresh Start,“ 华尔街日报, 九月 17, 2009.
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