Revista de Historia Interdisciplinaria, SG:4 (Primavera, 2010), 551–578.
TRADITIONAL BASQUE FISHING BROTHERHOODS
Andreas Hess
“Working the Waves”: The Plebeian Culture and
Moral Economy of Traditional Basque Fishing
Brotherhoods The Basque ªshing fraternity (cofradía de
mareantes) is the institutional manifestation of a rich local plebeian
culture and the moral economy that once grounded it. Its original
raison d’être was to facilitate a collective voice for local ªshermen.
Political and economic conditions, sin embargo, began to submerge
this collective voice during the late nineteenth century, eventually
muting it entirely within the twentieth century. A proper under-
standing of the cofradía’s long history, as well as its demise at the
hands of modernization, requires a familiarity with the concept of
hidalguía, the notion that every Basque was a nobleman.
In his groundbreaking study El ‘igualitarismo’ vasco: mito y
realidad (Basque Egalitarianism: Myth and Reality), Otazu at-
tempted to deconstruct the idea that since time immemorial, a no-
tion of egalitarianism has prevailed in the Basque Country. Against
the idea that every Basque was a hidalgo—a nobleman—Otazu
shows that some people were not only more noble than others but
also that the very idea of equal and widespread noble origin usually
served those in the ascendancy, often helping the powerful to de-
fend their privileged positions. Contrary to the idea that Basque
society and culture were somehow free of class distinctions, y
against nationalist tendencies to idealize a glorious past, Otazu de-
scribes the many historical layers of class conºict that arose when a
country embarked on the long transition from the Middle Ages to
the era of modern capitalism.1
Otazu’s groundbreaking study led to a number of important
investigations that related social inequality and class to moderniza-
ción. Todavía, notwithstanding its insight that the stratiªcation of
Basque society was not just imposed by the outside world (en esto
caso, Castile or the Spanish state), two speciªc points were obliter-
Andreas Hess is Senior Lecturer, departamento. of Sociology, University College Dublin. He is the au-
thor of Reluctant Modernization (Oxford, 2009); editor of, with Christian Fleck and E. Stina
Lyon, Intellectuals and Their Publics—Perspectives from the Social Sciences (Burlington, Vt., 2009).
© 2010 por el Instituto de Tecnología de Massachusetts y The Journal of Interdisciplinary
Historia, Cª.
1 Alfonso de Otazu, El ‘igualitarismo’ vasco: mito y realidad (San Sebastián, 1986).
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
552 | ANDREAS HESS
ated. Primero, Otazu and those historians and social scientists who ac-
cepted the logic of his argument looked only at the objective di-
mensions and the historically veriªable data and circumstances that
supported their claim; the collective-subjective and moral dimen-
sions of past and present conºicts disappeared. Segundo, atención
to peculiar Basque motives and occurrences, such as the obvious
appeal to the common good and the prevailing egalitarian and
subjective sense of justice, drifted, a lo mejor, into the background.
In a new study, El espíritu emprendedor de los vascos (The Entre-
preneurial Spirit of the Basques), which in many ways extends the
argument ªrst presented in El ‘igualitarismo’ vasco, Otazu and his
co-author take the argument about the instrumental aspect of
ideological egalitarianism a step further, laying the foundations for
the proper “export” of the (masculino) Basque surplus population to
the Kingdom of Castile and the Castilian colonial empire to be-
come “spiritual” entrepreneurs in an almost Weberian sense. Ellos
show these Basque entrepreneurs replacing the old supply struc-
ture of the elite, consisting mainly of Jews and/or conversos.
What remains problematical, sin embargo, is the view of a “trickle-
down” effect of this new Basque egalitarian ideology. Not by
chance is the subject hero of the new study the emprendedor (el
entrepreneur)—almost never the Basque shepherd, peasant, arti-
san, or ªsherman, all of whom are at the receiving end of the
modernization effort. In this “top-down” history (maybe against
the intent of the authors), Otazu and Durana rely heavily on
sources that stem mostly from those who had the privileges of
writing and power. The subaltern classes rarely expressed them-
selves in any formal way. The Basque emprendedors, sin embargo,
the pro-active modernizers, must have also produced a counter-
weight to the documented view, expressing the reluctance of the
subaltern classes to be only pawns in the modernizing effort.2
Although the two studies mentioned above have unearthed a
wealth of historical, anthropological, and sociological material,
they remain incomplete. A different conceptual framework, cómo-
alguna vez, produces other readings and leads to new insights, and a dif-
ferent emphasis helps to contextualize the rich empirical ªndings
and lend a new interpretation to them. The conceptual approach
of Edward P. Thompson and the insights of other social scientists,
2 Otazu and José Ramón Díaz de Durana, El espíritu emprendedor de los vascos (Madrid, 2008).
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
TRADITIONAL BA SQUE FI SHI NG B ROT HER H OODS | 553
such as Albert O. Hirschman, are of primary relevance in this re-
spect. Thompson’s work on plebeian culture and moral economy
offers an insight into why and how the egalitarianism ethos
emerged, showing that it was not just handed down from the elite
and simply accepted. A Thompsonian perspective further expli-
cates the persistence of this ethos, as well is its eventual demise.
Such an approach can examine social and economic conºict with-
out subordinating local, regional, and even national contexts to
ruling-class behavior or treating them as the mere “consolidation
processes” of new ascending classes striving for elevated and dis-
tinguished positions. It can take a deeper look into what have been
called “Basque peculiarities” or “singularities” without stereotyp-
En g, reduciendo, or conªning them to a purely nationalist discourse.
In his writings on late eighteenth-century England, Thomp-
son suggested that plebeian culture and moral economy were in-
trinsically linked—plebeian culture being one of his auxiliary terms
to describe a situation in which class deviated from strict Marxist
suposiciones. Thompson proposed a conceptual framework that
placed less emphasis on the objective notions of class and class
consciousness in favor of the subjective-collective contributions
that the “crowd” or the “plebs” made to culture and customs.
Thompson preferred to see the older prototypes or forerunners of
the English working class as heterogeneous constellations consist-
ing of many dimensions and layers in which traditional popular
customs played a major role. These customs tended to sustain a
moral economy that could assume various meanings—common
rights, norms or obligations, and day-to-day habits or practices—
but that, taken together, could constitute a force that was alien or
opposed to the powers that be.3
Thompson was not the only scholar to write about plebeian
culture and moral economy; Smith did so much earlier. Más-
encima, in The Passions and the Interests (1977), Hirschman demon-
strated that early political economy was motivated by a strong
moral impetus. In other studies, he ªne-tuned his general ap-
proach by inventing a number of closely related concepts that refer
to the micro-links between political economy, customs, and mor-
como. If applied to the Basque context, and to Thompson’s larger
3 Edward P. Thompson, Plebeische Kultur und moralische Ökonomie (Frankfurt, 1980); ídem,
Customs in Common (Londres 1991).
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
554 | ANDREAS HESS
notion of plebeian economy and moral economy, Hirschman’s
approach could provide, if not precisely a history from below, en
least a window into the other side of the modernization process,
which so far has remained a conceptual black box for historians,
sociologists, and anthropologists of the Basque Country.4
the long history of the cofradía The peculiar shape of the
Cantabrian coast offers only a few easily accessible opportunities
for embarkation. Por eso, the ªrst efforts to build and fortify land-
ing places were focused on areas where navigable rivers ended in
the sea and provided natural access. From east to west, these villas
ribereñas were Fuentarrabía, Orio, Deba, Lekeitio, Gernika/
Mundaka, and the settlements at the mouth of the river Nervión.
Starting in the eleventh and stretching into the twelfth century,
anchorage and simple launch facilities developed into proper
ports, encouraged by a parallel take-off phase of two types of ac-
actividad, whaling and coastal ªshing (pesca litoral or pesca de bajura). Por
the fourteenth century, coastal ªshing had developed to such an
extent that Basque ªshermen were encouraged to try their luck
further aªeld, in what would become known as pesca de altura
(high sea ªshing).5
In the sixteenth century, coastal ªshing continued to be prac-
ticed, but coastal whale hunting had almost completely disap-
peared. Whale hunting continued, together with cod ªshing, solo
along the coast of Newfoundland. At the end of the sixteenth cen-
tury, the Spanish Armada and its campaigns began to place a heavy
demand on both the ªnancial and the human resources of the
ports. Despite these and other constraints, like changing patterns
of ªsh migration and breeding grounds, regular ªshing expeditions
continued, covering the entire area of the North Atlantic and re-
turning enough proªt to cope.6
its Triumph (Princeton, 1977);
4 Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations,
and States (Cambridge, Masa., 1970); ídem, The Passions and the Interests: Political Arguments for
Capitalism before
ídem, Entwicklung, Markt und Moral
(München,1989); Hesse, “The ‘Economy Of Morals’ and Its Applications—an Attempt to Un-
derstand Some Central Concepts in the Work of Albert O. Hirschman,” Review of International
Political Economy, VI (1999), 338–359.
Julio Caro Baroja, El laberinto vasco (Madrid, 2003), 244–245. This paragraph and the fol-
5
lowing ones owe much to Mariano Ciriquiain Gaztarro’s detailed history of ports in the
Basque Country in Los puertos marítimos del País Vasco (San Sebastián, 1986) and Josu Iñaki
Erkoreka Gervasio’s comprehensive study of cofradías in Analisis Histórico-Institucional de las
Cofradías de Mareantes del País Vasco (Vitoria, 1991).
6 Basques were both winners and losers in their dealings with the Spanish Empire and its
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
TRADITIONAL BA SQUE FI SHI NG B ROT HER H OODS | 555
The increasingly complex ªshing operations demanded an
appropriate representation of interests and a functioning organiza-
tion responsible for the ports. The oldest written documents that
reveal the existence of the cofradías date from the fourteenth cen-
tury, though they are probably just the legitimation of a much
older activity. The inºuences that led to the institutionalization of
cofradías were initially religious ones. The establishment of a cor-
poration for professions and jobs had already taken root in France,
the idea eventually reaching the Cantabrian coast and thence
spreading from nearby monastic orders. Yet the speed with which
the cofradías went into practice hint at the unique professional
conditions of ªshermen. Exposed to the sometimes brutal forces
of nature and often restrained from working by seasonal circum-
stances beyond their control, the ªshermen were naturally in-
clined to solidarity and mutual aid.
The ªshermen’s organizations were ªrst supported in their ef-
fort by the Kingdom of Navarre, which equipped them with spe-
cial rights (fueros). These judicial privileges, and the exclusivity of
the cofradías, could have raised the suspicion of the Kingdom of
Navarre’s conqueror, the Castilian monarchy, about their inde-
pendence. But the two sides eventually came to terms with each
otro. The authorities either renewed the fueros or replaced them
with other ofªcial authorizations, including the ratiªcation of
ordenanzas (statutes) with ªscal agreements and legal procedures
that the ªshermen’s assembly had to follow and enforce. este profesional-
cess of amending and reªning the statutes, which continued
throughout the ªfteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries,
was an attempt to ªnd balance along the thin line between solidary
aspectos, common traditions, and the complicated politics of the
naval power. Although some Basques beneªted from ªrst building and then helping to main-
tain the Empire (including its naval force and commercial trade), other Basques who were not
part of the colonial enterprise were heavily burdened with taxes. Además, although ªshing
for whales and cod was prized in some parts of the Spanish Empire, ªshing closer to home was
no. The salt tax was an issue, as were other levies. From the sixteenth century onward, el
money and men that the cofradía had to contribute to the levas de marinera, the levies that kept
the Spanish royal ºeet aºoat, seriously damaged the political economy of ªshing on the
Basque coast. In a study of Bermeo’s contribution and taxation levels, Juan Gracia Cárcamo,
“Las levas de marineria y la cofradía des pescadores de Bermeo en el Siglo XVIII,” in idem et
Alabama., Historia de la economia marítima del País Vasco (San Sebastián, 1983), 97–134, reported that
the levies almost bankrupted the local cofradía. The high levels of taxation may also explain
the absence of an early capitalist take-off phase in Spain. The demands of high taxation, cómo-
alguna vez, should not imply that other factors (complex migration patterns of ªsh or declining ªsh
stocks, Por ejemplo) did not play a role in the diminishing returns of ªshing communities.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
556 | ANDREAS HESS
Basque lands, each with their unique constitutional-historical de-
sign and their respective local dimensions in the towns and villas
and market forces. Mesa 1 shows the main developments in each
Basque port until the late eighteenth century.7
Mesa 1 clearly shows a continuum starting with the ofªcial
acknowledgment and the granting of special rights in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries, leading to a gradual formalization of the
ªshermen’s confraternities in the fourteenth, ªfteenth, y, en
part, siglos XVI. These developments are followed by the
further rationalization and improvement of the related infrastruc-
ture even beyond the eighteenth century.
What the table does not make explicit are two slowly devel-
oping trends. The ªrst one relates to the earliest harbors and
cofradías. Although they were located at the mouth of rivers pro-
viding easy access, they could not survive into modern times be-
cause they did not allow the newer ªshing vessels to dock—the
main examples being Zarautz, Deba, Ea, Mundaka, and Plentzia.
Their business slowly transferred to neighboring ports—Getaria
(Zarautz), Motrico (Deba), Lekeitio (Ea), Bermeo (Mundaka),
Bilbao, y, de nuevo, Bermeo (Plentzia). The second trend con-
cerned two huge, joint harbor complexes—that of Pasaia and San
Sebastián and that of Bilbao and the other ports situated on the
river Nervión. These big harbors developed an internal division of
labor between merchant and ªshing activities (San Sebastián
and Bilbao had both cofradías and a consulate). A later and further
distinction—that between these two merchant ports and all of the
smaller ªshing harbors—affected the entire Cantabrian coast (Bil-
bao versus Bermeo is a good example). Pasaia/San Sebastián and
Bilbao, together with the Nervión ports, came to dominate the
7 Erkoreka Gervasio, Analisis Histórico-Institucional, 35–36; Tomás Urzainqui Mina and José
María De Olaizola Iguiñiz, La Navarra Maritima (Pamplona, 1998), 167–252. A more detailed
account of the development of each cofradía in Hegoalde (the southern, Spanish part of the
Basque Country) is provided by Erkoreka in Analisis Histórico-Institucional. The appendix to
this study contains also all of the original historical documents that are related to the history of
the Spanish Basque cofradías (441–664). The documentation for the ports and cofradías of the
French part of the Basque Country (Iparralde) has been excluded because of the different path
that they took after the French Revolution, when all feudal institutions and associations that
held special rights were disallowed. Erkoreka’s account of the history of the individual ports
and cofradías relies in part on Ciriquiain Gaiztarro, Los puertos marítimos. Erkoreka distin-
guishes between “old” and “new” cofradias, although it is highly likely that a cofradía existed
even before a town had received ofªcial recognition. Erkoreka himself acknowledges that it
might be better to imagine the emergence of the different ports as a continuum rather than as
a separate historical development.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
;
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
i
d
a
r
F
oh
C
d
mi
i
F
i
d
oh
metro
r
oh
w
mi
norte
r
oh
norte
oh
i
t
a
z
i
norte
r
mi
d
oh
metro
F
oh
s
norte
gramo
i
s
r
mi
h
t
oh
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
t
s
r
i
F
r
oh
a
i
d
a
r
F
oh
C
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
d
mi
metro
r
i
F
norte
oh
C
;
t
r
oh
pag
F
oh
t
norte
mi
metro
mi
gramo
d
mi
yo
w
oh
norte
k
C
a
yo
a
i
C
i
F
F
oh
r
mi
h
t
oh
r
oh
d
mi
t
norte
a
r
gramo
oh
r
mi
tu
F
;
)
"
a
yo
b
mi
tu
pag
a
t
r
a
C
“
(
s
mi
i
t
i
v
i
t
C
a
t
r
oh
pag
t
norte
a
v
mi
yo
mi
r
)
"
s
a
z
norte
a
norte
mi
d
r
oh
“
(
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
i
d
a
r
F
oh
C
norte
oh
i
t
a
t
norte
mi
metro
tu
C
oh
d
yo
a
i
C
i
F
F
oh
r
oh
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
i
F
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
yo
a
i
C
i
F
F
oh
t
s
r
i
F
mi
d
a
i
ñ
a
pag
metro
oh
C
mi
h
t
F
oh
mi
s
a
b
mi
metro
oh
h
:
0
4
7
1
d
mi
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
:
9
9
7
1
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
:
0
2
3
1
a
i
a
s
a
PAG
/
s
mi
j
a
s
a
PAG
d
mi
metro
r
ª
norte
oh
C
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
:
9
3
3
1
d
mi
t
norte
a
r
gramo
a
r
r
a
v
a
norte
mi
d
oh
r
mi
tu
F
:
3
0
2
1
a
i
b
i
r
r
a
d
norte
oh
h
d
norte
a
norte
tu
r
I
oh
t
/
a
i
b
a
r
r
a
t
norte
mi
tu
F
a
i
b
i
r
r
a
d
norte
oh
h
y
r
tu
t
norte
mi
C
h
t
norte
mi
mi
t
mi
norte
norte
mi
h
t
i
oh
t
h
t
norte
mi
mi
t
r
i
h
t
mi
h
t
metro
oh
r
F
s
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
d
norte
a
s
t
r
oh
PAG
mi
tu
q
s
a
B
F
oh
s
t
norte
mi
metro
pag
oh
yo
mi
v
mi
D
norte
i
a
METRO
1
mi
yo
b
a
t
mi
d
a
i
ñ
a
pag
metro
oh
C
mi
h
t
F
oh
mi
s
a
b
mi
metro
oh
h
:
8
7
7
1
s
a
C
a
r
a
C
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
d
mi
ª
i
d
oh
metro
d
mi
ª
i
d
oh
metro
yo
a
i
C
ª
F
oh
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
:
7
0
8
1
:
9
3
5
1
:
2
4
6
1
s
a
norte
i
pag
i
yo
i
F
;
a
norte
i
yo
a
t
a
C
a
t
norte
a
S
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
9
8
4
1
oh
r
d
mi
PAG
norte
a
S
mi
d
a
i
d
a
r
F
oh
C
r
mi
t
F
a
t
r
oh
pag
w
mi
norte
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
C
tu
r
t
s
norte
oh
C
:
8
3
7
1
;
d
mi
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
ª
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
y
b
d
mi
gramo
a
metro
a
d
norte
mi
mi
b
s
a
h
r
mi
i
pag
yo
d
oh
mi
h
t
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
:
7
3
5
1
:
8
5
6
1
mi
gramo
a
metro
a
d
s
metro
r
oh
t
s
:
3
8
7
1
d
norte
a
3
5
7
1
norte
i
a
gramo
a
d
mi
ª
i
d
oh
metro
y
yo
b
a
r
mi
d
i
s
norte
oh
C
mi
r
tu
t
C
tu
r
t
s
a
r
F
norte
i
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
:
5
2
8
1
d
mi
ª
i
d
oh
metro
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
metro
r
oh
t
s
:
7
4
7
1
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
norte
á
i
t
s
a
b
mi
S
norte
a
S
F
oh
oh
r
mi
tu
F
:
4
0
2
1
;
s
mi
gramo
mi
yo
i
v
i
r
pag
d
mi
t
norte
a
r
gramo
norte
á
i
t
s
a
b
mi
S
norte
a
S
oh
t
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
a
metro
r
ª
norte
oh
C
:
1
0
2
1
a
i
r
a
t
mi
GRAMO
d
mi
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
ª
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
:
5
6
4
1
d
mi
t
norte
a
r
gramo
a
r
r
a
v
a
norte
mi
d
oh
r
mi
tu
F
:
7
3
2
1
z
t
tu
a
r
a
z
d
mi
t
norte
a
r
gramo
d
mi
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
ª
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
:
0
2
5
1
norte
á
i
t
s
a
b
mi
S
norte
a
S
mi
d
oh
r
mi
tu
F
;
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
ª
:
4
1
0
1
/
norte
á
i
t
s
a
b
mi
S
norte
a
S
d
mi
t
norte
a
r
gramo
oh
r
mi
tu
F
:
0
0
2
1
:
9
7
3
1
a
i
t
s
oh
norte
oh
D
oh
i
r
oh
r
mi
v
i
r
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
a
z
i
yo
a
norte
a
C
:
2
3
9
1
–
2
9
8
1
r
oh
b
r
a
h
mi
h
t
;
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
i
d
a
r
F
oh
C
d
mi
i
F
i
d
oh
metro
r
oh
w
mi
norte
r
oh
norte
oh
i
t
a
z
i
norte
r
mi
d
oh
metro
F
oh
s
norte
gramo
i
s
r
mi
h
t
oh
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
t
s
r
i
F
r
oh
a
i
d
a
r
F
oh
C
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
d
mi
metro
r
i
F
norte
oh
C
;
t
r
oh
pag
F
oh
t
norte
mi
metro
mi
gramo
d
mi
yo
w
oh
norte
k
C
a
yo
a
i
C
i
F
F
oh
r
mi
h
t
oh
r
oh
d
mi
t
norte
a
r
gramo
oh
r
mi
tu
F
;
)
"
a
yo
b
mi
tu
pag
a
t
r
a
C
“
(
s
mi
i
t
i
v
i
t
C
a
t
r
oh
pag
t
norte
a
v
mi
yo
mi
r
)
"
s
a
z
norte
a
norte
mi
d
r
oh
“
(
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
i
d
a
r
F
oh
C
norte
oh
i
t
a
t
norte
mi
metro
tu
C
oh
d
yo
a
i
C
i
F
F
oh
r
oh
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
i
F
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
yo
a
i
C
i
F
F
oh
t
s
r
i
F
norte
oh
i
t
C
mi
norte
norte
oh
C
norte
i
a
r
t
d
norte
a
k
C
a
r
t
:
5
2
9
1
a
i
a
metro
tu
z
d
norte
a
a
gramo
a
r
r
a
metro
tu
z
norte
mi
mi
w
t
mi
b
;
t
r
oh
pag
s
a
d
mi
gramo
d
mi
yo
w
oh
norte
k
C
a
y
yo
yo
a
i
C
ª
F
oh
d
mi
d
norte
tu
oh
F
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
:
5
8
5
1
:
0
1
6
1
norte
a
S
mi
d
a
r
r
a
v
a
norte
oh
r
mi
tu
F
;
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
ª
:
2
9
2
1
:
7
4
3
1
a
i
a
metro
tu
z
d
norte
a
a
b
mi
D
mi
d
s
mi
t
norte
a
mi
r
a
METRO
mi
d
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
:
8
4
4
1
;
d
mi
t
norte
a
r
gramo
a
i
r
oh
t
i
V
F
oh
oh
r
mi
tu
F
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
d
mi
metro
r
ª
norte
oh
C
mi
r
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
:
4
9
2
1
:
3
4
3
1
a
b
mi
D
/
a
v
mi
D
norte
á
i
t
s
a
b
mi
S
mi
yo
yo
mi
tu
metro
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
d
norte
a
mi
r
i
t
norte
mi
mi
h
t
s
norte
w
oh
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
:
1
3
8
1
–
5
1
8
1
oh
r
d
mi
PAG
norte
a
S
mi
d
s
mi
t
norte
a
mi
r
a
METRO
mi
d
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
:
9
9
5
1
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
:
9
0
2
1
norte
i
s
r
mi
i
pag
oh
t
t
norte
mi
metro
mi
v
oh
r
pag
metro
i
:
5
9
8
1
–
7
4
8
1
;
d
mi
ª
i
d
oh
metro
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
:
8
3
6
1
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
ª
t
s
r
ª
:
3
5
3
1
:
3
9
5
1
oh
r
mi
tu
F
;
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
:
7
2
3
1
oh
ñ
oh
r
gramo
oh
l
mi
d
a
r
r
a
v
a
norte
/
oh
C
i
r
t
oh
METRO
tu
k
i
r
t
tu
METRO
a
oh
r
r
a
d
norte
oh
)
d
mi
tu
norte
i
t
norte
oh
C
(
1
mi
yo
b
a
t
d
mi
ª
i
d
oh
metro
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
:
6
6
7
1
t
r
oh
pag
s
a
d
mi
gramo
d
mi
yo
w
oh
norte
k
C
a
y
yo
yo
a
i
C
ª
F
oh
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
t
s
r
ª
norte
oh
i
t
a
metro
r
ª
norte
oh
C
yo
a
y
oh
r
:
4
3
3
1
:
5
8
4
1
:
8
8
4
1
oh
r
mi
tu
F
;
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
:
5
2
3
1
oh
ñ
oh
r
gramo
oh
l
mi
d
a
r
r
a
v
a
norte
oh
i
t
i
mi
k
mi
l
t
r
oh
pag
s
a
t
norte
mi
metro
mi
gramo
d
mi
yo
w
oh
norte
k
C
a
:
4
8
8
1
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
ª
:
7
7
7
1
t
norte
mi
metro
mi
yo
t
t
mi
s
t
r
oh
pag
F
oh
t
norte
mi
metro
pag
oh
yo
mi
v
mi
d
:
s
0
5
8
1
;
mi
yo
yo
mi
tu
metro
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
C
tu
r
t
s
norte
oh
C
r
mi
t
F
a
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
:
3
8
7
1
:
2
8
7
1
a
yo
mi
tu
gramo
norte
a
r
r
a
b
I
metro
oh
r
F
gramo
norte
i
t
a
r
a
pag
mi
s
mi
b
oh
X
t
norte
a
yo
mi
a
mi
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
r
oh
b
r
a
h
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
a
z
i
norte
r
mi
d
oh
metro
:
1
8
8
1
–
2
6
8
1
s
r
mi
i
pag
oh
t
k
r
oh
w
r
i
a
pag
mi
r
:
3
2
7
1
mi
r
tu
t
C
tu
r
t
s
a
r
F
norte
i
norte
oh
i
t
a
k
r
a
b
metro
mi
s
i
d
r
oh
F
r
mi
i
pag
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
s
mi
t
norte
a
mi
r
a
METRO
mi
d
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
:
3
5
/
2
5
3
1
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
:
3
5
3
1
:
3
0
5
1
d
mi
ª
i
d
oh
metro
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
:
3
3
8
1
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
r
oh
b
r
a
h
yo
a
r
tu
t
a
norte
s
mi
i
t
i
yo
i
C
a
F
t
r
oh
pag
F
oh
F
oh
F
oh
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
norte
mi
metro
pag
oh
yo
mi
v
mi
d
t
s
r
ª
t
s
r
ª
t
s
r
ª
:
6
0
6
1
:
6
5
6
1
:
7
9
6
1
:
5
5
7
1
mi
d
oh
r
r
a
v
a
norte
oh
r
mi
tu
F
;
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
ª
:
2
8
0
1
:
6
3
2
1
oh
ñ
oh
r
gramo
oh
l
oh
mi
metro
r
mi
B
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
ª
:
5
3
3
1
a
k
a
d
norte
tu
METRO
s
yo
a
norte
a
C
s
s
mi
C
C
a
oh
w
t
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
:
2
1
7
1
a
i
v
r
mi
h
t
oh
mi
h
t
d
norte
a
i
z
t
r
tu
t
norte
a
S
a
i
v
mi
norte
oh
(
)
a
t
r
oh
gramo
yo
A
oh
t
s
tu
mi
D
y
s
mi
t
norte
a
mi
r
a
METRO
mi
d
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
mi
h
t
F
oh
gramo
norte
i
d
norte
tu
oh
F
,
)
oh
a
b
yo
i
B
mi
d
oh
d
a
yo
tu
s
norte
oh
C
:
r
mi
t
a
yo
(
s
mi
r
oh
d
a
C
r
mi
METRO
gramo
norte
i
t
a
r
mi
pag
oh
y
yo
yo
a
norte
oh
i
t
a
norte
r
mi
t
norte
i
F
oh
t
norte
mi
metro
pag
oh
yo
mi
v
mi
d
r
mi
h
t
oh
mi
h
t
r
mi
v
oh
h
t
i
w
y
C
a
metro
i
r
pag
F
oh
mi
mi
t
norte
a
r
a
tu
gramo
;
r
mi
v
i
r
norte
ó
i
v
r
mi
norte
mi
h
t
F
oh
:
1
1
5
1
s
t
r
oh
pag
s
mi
gramo
mi
yo
i
v
i
r
pag
d
norte
a
metro
oh
d
mi
mi
r
F
t
r
oh
pag
t
r
oh
pag
d
mi
v
oh
r
pag
metro
i
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
C
tu
r
t
s
norte
oh
C
:
7
2
5
1
t
mi
mi
º
t
norte
a
h
C
r
mi
metro
s
mi
i
t
i
yo
i
C
a
F
oh
d
norte
oh
tu
t
r
oh
PAG
d
norte
a
r
oh
y
a
METRO
oh
t
r
mi
tu
PAG
,
oh
C
i
h
C
oh
t
r
mi
tu
PAG
:
s
t
r
oh
pag
mi
mi
r
h
t
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
d
mi
ª
i
d
oh
metro
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
:
6
6
8
1
s
mi
i
t
i
yo
i
C
a
F
r
oh
b
r
a
h
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
C
tu
r
t
s
norte
oh
C
d
mi
ª
i
d
oh
metro
d
mi
ª
i
d
oh
metro
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
:
4
9
6
1
:
1
9
7
1
:
8
5
8
1
d
mi
t
norte
mi
metro
tu
C
oh
d
y
yo
yo
a
i
C
ª
F
oh
oh
t
norte
w
oh
norte
k
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
:
9
6
2
1
t
s
i
X
mi
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
:
4
2
5
1
oh
r
mi
tu
F
d
norte
a
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
:
9
9
2
1
a
i
z
t
norte
mi
yo
PAG
oh
ñ
oh
r
gramo
oh
l
mi
d
oh
r
r
a
v
a
norte
norte
i
mi
yo
yo
mi
tu
metro
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
C
tu
r
t
s
norte
oh
C
:
8
5
6
1
s
'
oh
a
b
yo
i
B
gramo
norte
i
t
norte
a
r
gramo
mi
d
oh
C
mi
metro
i
t
i
r
a
metro
t
s
r
ª
:
2
7
3
1
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
:
0
0
3
1
oh
a
b
yo
i
B
s
mi
i
t
i
yo
i
C
a
F
t
r
oh
pag
yo
yo
tu
F
:
5
8
7
1
d
norte
a
t
norte
mi
metro
pag
oh
yo
mi
v
mi
d
t
r
oh
pag
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
:
5
4
5
1
a
t
r
oh
gramo
yo
A
s
t
norte
mi
metro
mi
v
oh
r
pag
metro
i
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
;
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
i
d
a
r
F
oh
C
d
mi
i
F
i
d
oh
metro
r
oh
w
mi
norte
r
oh
norte
oh
i
t
a
z
i
norte
r
mi
d
oh
metro
F
oh
s
norte
gramo
i
s
r
mi
h
t
oh
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
t
s
r
i
F
r
oh
a
i
d
a
r
F
oh
C
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
d
mi
metro
r
i
F
norte
oh
C
;
t
r
oh
pag
F
oh
t
norte
mi
metro
mi
gramo
d
mi
yo
w
oh
norte
k
C
a
yo
a
i
C
i
F
F
oh
r
mi
h
t
oh
r
oh
d
mi
t
norte
a
r
gramo
oh
r
mi
tu
F
;
)
"
a
yo
b
mi
tu
pag
a
t
r
a
C
“
(
s
mi
i
t
i
v
i
t
C
a
t
r
oh
pag
t
norte
a
v
mi
yo
mi
r
)
"
s
a
z
norte
a
norte
mi
d
r
oh
“
(
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
i
d
a
r
F
oh
C
norte
oh
i
t
a
t
norte
mi
metro
tu
C
oh
d
yo
a
i
C
i
F
F
oh
r
oh
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
i
F
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
yo
a
i
C
i
F
F
oh
t
s
r
i
F
d
norte
a
oh
a
b
yo
i
B
mi
d
oh
d
a
yo
tu
s
norte
oh
C
mi
h
t
d
mi
t
a
C
oh
yo
mi
r
a
norte
ó
i
C
a
t
a
r
t
norte
oh
C
mi
d
h
gramo
tu
oh
h
t
yo
a
a
s
a
C
mi
h
t
"
r
mi
pag
oh
r
pag
“
mi
h
t
s
a
norte
oh
i
t
C
norte
tu
F
oh
t
s
mi
tu
norte
i
t
norte
oh
C
mi
t
mi
yo
a
gramo
tu
t
r
oh
PAG
,
r
mi
pag
oh
r
pag
oh
a
b
yo
i
B
norte
i
oh
a
b
yo
i
B
F
oh
r
oh
b
r
a
h
mi
yo
yo
mi
tu
metro
w
mi
norte
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
C
tu
r
t
s
norte
oh
C
d
mi
d
norte
tu
oh
F
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
a
C
ª
i
d
oh
metro
t
s
r
ª
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
norte
mi
t
t
i
r
w
:
2
3
5
1
:
1
5
6
1
:
2
5
6
1
:
0
7
6
1
s
t
r
oh
pag
oh
a
b
yo
i
B
oh
ñ
oh
r
gramo
oh
l
mi
d
oh
r
r
a
v
a
norte
;
d
mi
ª
i
d
oh
metro
s
mi
t
tu
t
a
t
s
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
:
3
0
8
1
d
norte
a
mi
t
mi
yo
a
gramo
tu
t
r
oh
PAG
norte
mi
mi
w
t
mi
b
t
norte
mi
metro
mi
mi
r
gramo
a
:
3
6
4
1
oh
r
mi
tu
F
;
norte
w
oh
t
F
oh
s
mi
yo
t
i
t
:
2
2
3
1
mi
t
mi
yo
a
gramo
tu
t
r
oh
PAG
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
F
oh
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
ª
:
0
9
6
1
d
mi
metro
r
ª
norte
oh
C
h
C
r
tu
h
C
d
norte
a
r
mi
pag
oh
r
pag
t
tu
oh
h
t
i
w
d
mi
metro
r
ª
norte
oh
C
s
mi
i
t
i
v
i
t
C
a
:
1
6
5
1
;
norte
oh
i
t
norte
mi
metro
t
s
r
ª
s
mi
i
t
i
yo
i
C
a
F
r
oh
b
r
a
h
norte
w
oh
t
yo
d
oh
F
oh
mi
C
norte
mi
t
s
i
X
mi
:
5
7
0
1
:
8
1
3
1
/
mi
C
r
tu
t
norte
a
S
i
z
t
r
tu
t
norte
a
S
)
d
mi
tu
norte
i
t
norte
oh
C
(
1
mi
yo
b
a
t
s
a
yo
mi
d
yo
a
norte
oh
i
C
tu
t
i
t
s
norte
I
–
oh
C
i
r
ó
t
s
i
h
s
i
s
i
yo
a
norte
A
,
oh
i
s
a
v
r
mi
GRAMO
a
k
mi
r
oh
k
r
mi
i
k
a
ñ
I
tu
s
oh
j
;
)
6
8
9
1
,
norte
á
i
t
s
a
b
mi
S
norte
a
S
(
oh
C
s
a
V
s
í
a
PAG
yo
mi
d
s
oh
metro
i
t
í
r
a
metro
s
oh
t
r
mi
tu
pag
s
oh
l
,
oh
r
r
a
t
z
a
GRAMO
norte
i
a
i
tu
q
i
r
i
C
oh
norte
a
i
r
a
METRO
.
t
s
mi
w
oh
t
t
s
a
mi
metro
oh
r
F
r
mi
d
r
oh
yo
a
C
i
h
pag
a
r
gramo
oh
mi
gramo
norte
i
)
mi
d
yo
a
oh
gramo
mi
h
(
y
r
t
norte
tu
oh
C
mi
tu
q
s
a
B
norte
r
mi
h
t
tu
oh
s
mi
h
t
F
oh
s
t
r
oh
pag
mi
h
t
y
yo
norte
oh
s
t
s
i
yo
mi
yo
b
a
t
mi
h
t
s
mi
C
r
tu
oh
s
mi
t
oh
norte
.
)
8
9
9
1
yo
,
a
norte
oh
pag
metro
a
PAG
(
a
metro
i
t
i
r
a
METRO
a
r
r
a
v
a
norte
a
l
,
z
i
ñ
tu
gramo
I
i
a
yo
oh
z
i
a
yo
oh
mi
D
a
í
r
a
METRO
é
s
oh
j
d
norte
a
a
norte
METRO
i
i
tu
q
norte
i
a
z
r
Ud.
s
á
metro
oh
t
;
)
1
9
9
1
,
a
i
r
oh
t
i
V
(
oh
C
s
a
V
s
í
a
PAG
yo
mi
d
s
mi
t
norte
a
mi
r
a
METRO
mi
d
s
a
í
d
a
r
F
oh
C
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
TRADITIONAL BA SQUE FI SHI NG B ROT HER H OODS | 561
merchant trade, while the rest of the ports became harbors where
ªshing was the dominant form of activity.
Toward the end of the eighteenth century, signs of change
became visible. New liberal ideas began to challenge the medieval
exclusivity and monopoly of the cofradías. But not until the be-
ginning of the nineteenth century did this change in outlook be-
gin to threaten the existence of the cofradías. Its political and judi-
cial implementation proved to be sporadic and often inconsistent.
En 1813, Por ejemplo, a new law established freedom of industry
only to be withdrawn two years later and then re-introduced in
1820. The validity of the law was ªnally conªrmed once and for
all in 1834 by royal decree.
In the Basque Country, one association subscribed heavily to
the liberal agenda, the Real Sociedad Vasgongada de los Amigos
del País—comprised of Basque and Spanish intellectuals dedicated
to the liberation of rural Basque society from its medieval condi-
ciones. As part of its agenda, the society conducted various cam-
paigns against the cofradías, which in their mind represented the
old regime. The government took their advice seriously and is-
sued ofªcial decrees against the cofradías ªrst in 1842 and again
en 1847. Sin embargo, the legitimacy of the cofradías was re-
conªrmed in 1848, and it remained secure enough to withstand
another ofªcial attack in 1864. Only in 1873 did the government
ªnally succeed in abolishing the exclusive rights of Basque ªshing
communities.8
The cofradías survived the legal wrangles mainly because the
liberal proposals and models did not turn out to be viable alterna-
tives, as in other instances when established practice eventually
managed to trump ideology in the Basque lands. durante el
course of the nineteenth century, at least in the Basque country,
no industrial-capitalist ªshing project was able to replace or even
challenge the old institution of the cofradía. Two factors, alluded
to above, contributed to its persistence. The ªrst was the peculiar
sense of equality/nobility (hidalguía)—derived from the old
fueros—by which the Basques deªned themselves. The ªsher-
men’s brotherhood represented the values of solidarity, together-
ness, and respect for the individual—within a profession fraught
with physical risk. The second factor was the natural encourage-
8 Ernesto López Losa, “Unas notas sobre el asocianismos pesquero en el norte de España: Las
cofradías de mareantes del País Vasco, undated ms., 11.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
562 | ANDREAS HESS
ment that these values acquired through membership in an exclu-
sive and monopolistic assembly. Against such shared experiences
of the brotherhood, the new liberal ideas sounded like a threat—
not only because they seemed to impugn the idea of mutual sup-
port under hazardous working conditions but also because they
subverted a traditional way of life that had provided the ªshermen
with basic social security and income for centuries. Egalitarianism,
as the cofradías construed it, was an ideology that worked.9
function and crisis of the cofradía Although the statutes of
the different cofradías represent the particular local conditions and
constituencies from which they derived, they also shared, y
continued to shape, many common features and traditions. El
functioning of the cofradías until the late eighteenth century, y
their relationship to local communities and local administrations,
or to other ports and cofradías, take the structure of concentric cir-
cles. The inner circle consisted of the local confraternity or the
brotherhood itself, including all of those who were directly in-
volved in ªshing at a particular port—the owner of the boats or
vessels (maestros and dueños); then the working crews or ªshermen
(mariñeros or pescadores); and ªnally the helping hands and appren-
tices (grumetes and muchachos). Surrounding these groups were the
people who, by virtue of election and employment, supported the
cofradías and guaranteed their proper functioning—the executive
cabeza (mayordomo), the chief accountant or auctioneer and his
bookkeeper (contestator and contra-contestador), the signalmen (señe-
leros), etcétera. On occasion, family dependents of members,
representatives, and employees (including women) would also
have had access to cofradías; sin embargo, they would not have had
the right to vote.10
9
José María Portillo Valdés, “El país de los fueros: Política, instituciones y Derecho en las
provincias vascas durante la Edad Moderna,” in José María Imízcoz (ed.), Redes familiares y
patronazgo: Aproximación al entramado social del País Vasco y Navarra en el Antiguo Regimen (siglos
XV–XIX) (Bilbao, 2001), 83–112. The Basque cofradías differed from their Cantabrian,
Asturian, and Galician counterparts further to the west, where the old institutions were abol-
ished, and the ªshing sector became subject to industrial development much earlier. Ver
Erkoreka Gervasio, Analisis Histórico-Institucional, 80; Kepa Astorkiza and Ikerne Del Valle,
“Fisheries Policy and the Cofradías in the Basque Country: The Case of Albacore and An-
chovy,” University of Navarra working papers (Pamplona, 1988), 5.
10 The literature on women in the ªshing sector is still small compared to the overall schol-
arly output. For instructive insights on women in ªshing communities, ver, Por ejemplo,
Darlene Abreu-Ferreira, “Fishmongers and Shipowners: Women in Maritime Communities
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
TRADITIONAL BA SQUE FI SHI NG B ROT HER H OODS | 563
The wider circle of people in various degrees of contact and
exchange with the cofradías included ªsh merchants, both small
y largo; the operators of ªsh and tinning factories; intermediate
buyers for national and international markets; occasionally work-
ers contracted for the maintenance of the port infrastructure or the
construction or launching of ships; and members of the local polit-
ical administration—an entity that always, sin embargo, remained
separate. Finalmente, in the outer circle were the cofradías’ contacts
with neighboring ports and other cofradias and the relevant pro-
vincial or state agencies and authorities.
The most important decision-making powers rested with the
general assembly of the confraternity, the junta de cofrades. In its an-
nual meetings, it elected an executive council that could represent
the general interests. Other meetings might have a consultative
function but not a legislative one. The executive council mainly
handled pressing matters that could not wait for the annual meet-
En g: the conditions for sailing, the determination of local quotas,
the discussion of changing prices, or the settling of internal con-
ºicts.11
The initiative in calling for a general assembly lay with the
mayordomo, who was also elected during the annual meeting.
Sin embargo, the mayor of the town was often present during elec-
ciones, functioning as the president and ensuring the order of the
annual proceedings. To guarantee full representation, the statutes
of the cofradías demanded that all members attend, and help out
en, the annual meeting. In the early years, assemblies took place in
a church or one of the local shrines, but progressive secularization
eventually led them to a local plaza, hospital, the house of the
of Early Modern Portugal,” Sixteenth Century Journal, XXXI (2001), 7–23; C. Joanne
Crawford, “The Position of Women in a Basque Fishing Community,” in William A.
Douglass, Richard W. Etulain, and William H. Jacobsen, Jr. (editores.), Essays in Honour of Jon
Bilbao, Desert Research Institute Publications of the Social Sciences (Reno, 1977), XIII, 145–152;
sardineras y pescadores: Realidades marítimas en
Juan Antonio Rubio-Ardanaz, Lemanes,
perspectiva antropología (Santurtzi, 2006).
11 The following descriptive paragraphs about the cofradías are based mainly on Erkoreka
Gervasio, Analisis Histórico-Institucional and the historical documents reprinted therein, también
as on Juan Thalamas Labandibar, Aspectos de la vida social vasca: el campesino, el pescador, el obrero
(Zarautz, 1935); Juan Garmendia Larrañaga, Gremios, oªcios y cofradias en el País Vasco (san
Sebastián,1979); Juan J. Bikandi, “Aspectos sociales de la actividad pesquera: Ciclos laborales y
Compañias,” Itsasoa, IV (1989), 149–174; Gracia Cárcamo, “Los conºictos sociales en la
cofradía de pescadores de Bermeo a traves de sus ordenanzas,” in Congreso de Estudios
Historicos: Vizcaya en la Edad Media (Donostia, 1985), 371–373.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
564 | ANDREAS HESS
mayordomo, a building near the harbor or—at a later stage—their
own facilities.
Sometimes two mayordomos were elected (effectively job
sharing) to minimize the risk that a cofradía would be without
leadership during temporary absences; de lo contrario, the elder of the
two usually had the ªnal say. In most cofradías, mayordomos had
to be respected and knowledgeable people with good communi-
cation skills; many of them were maestros or dueños of vessels.
Once elected, they were obligated to serve, and they could not go
to sea or to accept any other post. Since they were in control of
the cofradías’ ªnances, they could not bid in the subasta, el
cofradías’ public auction of the catch, over which they often had
to preside. They received either a regular salary or a fair share of
the sale from the overall catch.
Usually election procedures allowed for more than one can-
didate (the number of candidates depending on whether one or
two mayordomos were to be elected). Election procedures varied;
they were not always explained or made explicit in the statutes.
The normal method entailed exiting through the door of the as-
sembly. Some ports required the highest number of votes for elec-
ción, and others a full majority.
Mayordomos had support teams. Since an administration had
to account for its activities and report back to its constituency, él
was of utmost importance that the books be kept in proper order.
Cofradías typically employed a contador and a contra-contador
(the chief accountant and his bookkeeper) to manage the accounts
and retained an auctioneer (ventador) to preside over the public ªsh
auction (unless the mayordomo did so). Most cofradías also had a
limited number of other staff, occasionally referred to as guardas, a
provide security and function as watchmen. Others might be re-
sponsible for keeping an eye on the catch or doing minor jobs
during public auctions.
Señeros (signalmen) had the important tasks of controlling the
arrival, docking, and departure of all boats and vessels and enforc-
ing a mayordomo’s decisions involving security and permission to
sail, which were often made in consultation with others. Before
the arrival of personal watches and home clocks, señeros might
also have to organize the wake-up call for the ªshermen. Many
cofradías employed an atalayero (watchman) to spot whales from a
watchtower and inform the ªshermen and whalers of a potential
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
TRADITIONAL BA SQUE FI SHI NG B ROT HER H OODS | 565
catch, as well as a capellán to organize various religious functions
for the ªshermen in conjunction with a church or a chapel (el
confraternity originated as a deeply religious organization).
The main event for every cofradía was the public auction and
the sale of the catch. In the early days, when communication along
the coast was limited, transport complicated, and methods of pre-
serving ªsh limited to salting and marinating, the cofradías pre-
ferred that the ªsh on sale come from local waters, be caught by
local ªshermen, and be sold locally to local buyers. Idealmente, el
whole process was to take place within a time frame that allowed
for maximum freshness of the catch. Eventualmente, these rules were
relaxed, as communication, transport, and methods of preserva-
tion improved. Provisions were made for more ºexible scenarios,
such as the possibility of home-based vessels selling their catches
elsewhere, nonlocal ships selling their catches at the home harbor,
and cofradías reaching agreement about respective payments
hecho, etcétera.
A controlled and centralized market meant that ªshermen did
not have to compete with each other for the timing of the sale and
that they could protect themselves as a group from covert deals.
Collective sale still rewarded individual effort. Además, a
public auction could inºuence and regulate prices—most impor-
tantly, introduce minimum prices—provide enough of a critical
mass to permit an equilibrium between supply and demand, y
guarantee regular transactions known in advance.12
After the auction came the partija or inauta (the redistribution
pro rata), which included a cofradía’s manta—the portion of the
monte mayor that derived from the sale of the entire catch before all
other costs (eso es, before the reparto or monte menor from which
the facilitator and crew were paid). The cofradía’s share varied by
port and period, but it generally did not exceed 6 por ciento de la
monte mayor. Payments from the proceedings of the sale did not
constitute a cofradía’s only income; the cofradía also received pay-
ments from ªshermen for mooring and entering/leaving the har-
bor, as well as the taxation from non–home-based sales and vari-
ous ªnes.13
See Thalamas Labandibar, Aspectos de la vida social vasca, 102–103, for a detailed descrip-
12
tion of auction procedure.
13 Ander Delgado Cendagortagalarza, Bermeo en el siglo XX: Politica y conºicto en un municipio
pesquero vizcaino (1912–1955) (Zarautz, 1998), 48–49.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
566 | ANDREAS HESS
A cofradía’s budget provided for its members’ well-being,
paid for cultural and religious services, and contributed to the
maintenance and development of its infrastructure. Whenever
members were unable to work because of poor health, accident,
or bad weather, cofradías provided assistance. In earlier times, el
payouts came in the form of “naturals,” direct provision from the
overall catch. Más tarde, the needy received a certain percentage of the
sale; in modern times, the beneªts and payouts became separate
from the actual landings and sales, taking the form of a ªxed daily
sum.
The cofradías always supported the local parish, whether by
paying for an altar, contributing to the construction of
local
churches and shrines, or contributing to holy days and ªestas, par-
ticularly those related to the saints of ªshermen—San Pedro, san
Nicolás, and San Telmo. The cofradías also paid for special masses,
decir, at the start and end of expeditions, the launch of new vessels,
or the funerals of cofradía members. Cofradías also organized and
ªnanced banquets for its members, usually coinciding with the
end of the ªshing season or the annual Assembly, often on the
same day that the religious calendar reserved for the celebration of
one of its seafaring saints.
The cofradías increasingly tried to ªnd ways to reduce costs
for both ªshermen and armadores (part shareholders), often by sup-
plying tools and nets, as well as bait. Por último, pero no menos importante, they had a
huge stake in the upkeep and improvement of their facilities and
the related infrastructure, such as ofªces, auction halls, mercancía-
houses, workshops, and—of prime importance—piers, launches,
anchorage, and signals.
The cofradías enjoyed the right to ªsh in certain well-demar-
cated coastal waters, to sell the produce extracted therefrom, y
to adjudicate all civil matters that arose in relation to work
therein—involving anchorage, loading and unloading, transport
to and from a port, sanitation, the sale of ªsh, the quality of the
product, sailing times, seasonal activities, holidays, conºict, estafa-
tractual matters, etcétera.
The cofradías’ legal jurisdiction over a speciªc coastal area
and a local landing inevitably created tension with governmental
authorities and boundary disputes with other ªshing communities.
Cofradías managed to settle the boundary disputes, and the legal
issues founded upon them, by clearly explaining in their respective
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
TRADITIONAL BA SQUE FI SHI NG B ROT HER H OODS | 567
statutes and agreements which waters and which harbors were un-
der a local cofradía’s jurisdiction. Conºicts with political ofªcials,
sin embargo, were not so easy to resolve, often lingering for centuries.
When the special rights, originally granted by Navarre, devolved
to the Crown of Castile, they no longer seemed to be part of a
comprehensive and sympathetic legal system. The politics of
granting fueros to cofradías became more selective and piecemeal,
often favoring one community while restricting and withdrawing
support from a neighboring one. This inconsistent policy con-
tained many contradictions. Although in hindsight, it might look
suspiciously like cultural-political “trench warfare,” it should not
be reduced to a general hostility between the local Basque ªshing
communities and the new Castilian rulers. Bastante, the conºict cut
across Basque–Spanish lines, particularly since some Basque noble-
men and families (jauntxos) were happy participants in the new
power structures. dicho eso, the jauntxos hardly seem to have
taken any great interest in local ªshing. Economically, they were
more involved in land holding and trade, y, politically, in main-
taining good relations with the powers that be.14
Even though the cofradías have an impressive record in
their long and successful contribution to the livelihood of thou-
sands of ªshermen, they were by no means problem-free. Early
crisis points concerned internal representation and redistribution
measures. Even relatively small communities had enough socio-
economic space to allow for the creation of a new cofradía when a
faction was determined to defect, although exit strategies were not
the only solutions chosen. Such troubles, sin embargo, did not mani-
fest as a universal crisis of the cofradías; they tended to leave the
overall institutional framework intact.
Despite the guiding principle of the cofradía as an institution
promoting full and equal representation, with the support of reli-
gious ideals of brotherhood, complete equality did not prevail.
The cofradía could not have lasted if it had. The ordenanzas indi-
cate early stratiªcation, whereby mariners and tostartekos (rowers)
were seen as simple members, and the maestros made all of the im-
portant decisions. En algunos casos, the txos (younger apprentices)—
often the sons of mariners or maestros—could not become mem-
14
j. METRO. Portillo Valdés, “El país de los fueros: Política, instituciones y Derecho en las
provincias vascas durante la Edad Moderna,” in Imízcoz (ed.), Redes familiares y patronazgo,
83–112.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
568 | ANDREAS HESS
bers with full voting rights or voice their opinion. Además,
simple ªshermen usually had to suffer some degree of punishment
for their offenses, but rarely did maestros. The documentation of
such measures as harsh ªnes for malignant gossip about a mayor-
domo, indicate at least some discontent among members, aunque
by all accounts, dissatisfaction in the early days of the cofradías was
limited and contained.15
From the seventeenth century onward, a hierarchical, alguno-
times even an aristocratic, element became evident. The domina-
tion of the executive council of a cofradía by the owners of ªshing
vessels led ªrst to a metamorphosis in composition and ªnally re-
sulted in a total hegemony of the maestros and dueños. This new
power structure found legal expression in the modiªed cofradía
statutes of the nineteenth century, which declared that the posi-
tion of mayordomo, as well as others, had to be held by a maestro
or dueño. The main argument was that since each owner repre-
sented a crew, additional representation was unnecessary. Semejante
praxis excluded not only such members as marineros (mariners),
tostartekos, tripulantes (crewmembers), remeros (rowers), grumetes
(cabin boys), muchachos, txos, and apprendices but also those who
worked in shipbuilding, harbor maintenance, or ªsh-market trans-
comportamiento. Además, from the sixteenth century onward, cuando
technology and capacity encouraged crews to remain far out at sea
for long periods, women began to take more responsibility for
tasks at home. Yet the proceedings of the cofradías, which would
usually record all other voices, remained remarkably unresponsive
to those of women.16
Modernization came late to the Basque ªshing ports, y eso
came in two phases, one a prototype and the other a fully devel-
oped model. The prototype of industrialization took off slowly in
the ªrst half of the nineteenth century, as exempliªed in Bermeo
15 Gracia Cárcamo, “Los conºictos sociales,” 371–373. Erkoreka Gervasio, Estudio Historico
de la Cofradía de Mareantes de Portugalete (Bilbao, 1993), 52–55, lists four conditions for access:
(1) being a certiªed believer (a member of the church), (2) local residency, (3) “purity of
blood” (referring mainly to the Basque hidalguía), y (4) payment of a membership or en-
trance fee.
16 Erkoreka Gervasio, Analisis Histórico-Institucional, 124–128; ídem, Estudio Historico de la
Cofradía, 49–61; Abreu-Ferreira “Fishmongers and Shipowners,” 7–23; Crawford, “Position
of Women in a Basque Fishing Community,” 145–152; Julio Caro Baroja, Los vascos (Madrid,
1990), 180–181; Clotilde Olaran y Mugica, “Consideraciones sobre la actividad pesquera
guipuzcoana en el siglo XVI,” in Gracia Cárcamo et al. (editores.), Historia de la economia marítima,
18–19.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
TRADITIONAL BA SQUE FI SHI NG B ROT HER H OODS | 569
and Ondarroa, the two biggest ªshing ports. The number of ves-
sels and ªshermen increased steadily until it broke all previous re-
cords. The second phase, occurring in the latter part of the century
and during the course of the twentieth century, developed in
more compact and concentrated fashion. Bermeo and Ondarroa
acquired a new infrastructure (better port facilities for larger ships
and better transport and communication systems on land) y se-
gan to implement the modern technology (sonar, radar, and re-
frigeration systems) that eventually permitted the introduction and
widespread application of such innovative ªshing methods as
trawling. Once the technology was in place, the steam engine and
later the diesel motor were able to advance the ªshing industry
even further.17
Until this modernization process was underway, the ªshing
communities in the ports and the workings of the cofradías had
virtually remained unchanged. In the mid-1920s, there were be-
entre 6,000 y 7,000 ªshermen working on a coastline about
100 miles long—1,600 of them in Bermeo and about 1,025 en
Ondarroa. The ªshermen were exclusively organized in eighteen
cofradías located in sixteen ports, seven of them in Gipuzkoa and
nine in Bizkaia.18
The distribution of money to ªshermen from the auctions
depended not only on the type of expedition but also, increas-
ingly, on whether it involved rowing, sailing, or motorized vessel;
the advantage soon lay overwhelmingly with the armadores of
boats with motors. The differentiated work patterns that resulted
from the new technologies led to more opportunities for disagree-
mento. Compared to prior conºicts, these new ones were unlikely
17 For a detailed historical study of the Bermeo and Ondarroa ports and their ºeets, ver
Alfredo Moraza Barea, Estudio Histórico del Puerto de Ondarroa (Vitoria, 2000); Ana María
Rivera Medina, Estudio Histórico del Puerto de Bermeo (Vitoria, 1997). Martin Bermejo, “El
pescador actual, la tecnología y la gestión de los recursos pesqueros: extrapolando el caso de
Orio,” in Juan Antonio Rubio-Ardanaz (ed.), La Pesca y el Mar: Cambio Sociocultural y
Economico (Zainak special issue) (San Sebastián, 2003), 59–93, lists the following technological
developments in Orio: steam vessels (1915–1948), diesel and gasoline engines (1947–1950),
cooling system and refrigeration (1947), elevated and towering bridge (1947–1960), modern
sextant (1951), sonar (1955), hydraulic systems (1965), radar (1974), the plotter (1990), y
heat-detection systems (1995). These observations seem representative of other Basque ports
at the time.
18 Fishermen had to make enough money to provide for a family of ªve or six. Ver
Thalamas Labandibar, Aspectos de la vida social vasca, 103; Eusko Ikaskuntza (ed.), Asamblea de
pesca marítima vasca (San Sebastián, 1928), 320.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
570 | ANDREAS HESS
to be resolved simply by reference to local conditions and tradi-
ciones. The lack of appropriate cofradía regulations for catches
stemming from the new ªshing methods, together with the in-
creased buying power of ªsh factories and wholesale ªsh mer-
chants, sparked major debates.
En 1925, under the auspices of the newly founded Eusko
Ikaskuntza—the Basque Studies Institute—representatives from all
of the Basque ports convened to discuss the situation. The asamblea
de pesca called for major reform. Against the oligarchy that had
come to dominate the cofradías but also against the threat of mas-
sive exit on the part of the tostartekos—who were no longer will-
ing to be dominated by the maestros, dueños, or armadores, y
who increasingly opted for creating or joining alternative cofradías
(as they had done in Bermeo)—the Assembly called for modera-
tion and compromise. They conceded that a division between la-
bor, tecnología, and capital had evolved that neither labor nor
capital could control by itself. Todavía, the Assembly advised that exit-
ing and founding competing cofradías within a single port was not
a viable solution. Since a sector that was dominant in a given
coastal community might not be so powerful in the larger eco-
nomic scheme of the provinces, maintaining the solidarity of the
ªshing industry was still vital.19
In an attempt to overcome the crisis, the Assembly presented
strategies to improve labor and capital relations and to modernize
the general workings of the cofradías. As to labor–capital relations,
the Assembly suggested as a model the Elantxobe statutes, en
which representation depended on the size of each embarkation,
thereby giving non-owners a major voice in the cofradías. El
Assembly also recommended that cofradías include women in
their ranks and that they establish a fund (caja) to handle members’
crises or long absences from ªshing (días de casa or etxe egunek).
This fund would replace the medieval system of occasional indi-
vidual payouts, which had become unworkable because of the in-
crease in the size of most cofradías.20
19 Eusko Ikaskuntza (ed.), Asamblea, 320–339.
20
Ibídem., 332. This suggestion fell short of turning the cofradías into fully functioning co-
operatives. Sin embargo, many of the ideas that were ºoated in the Assembly resembled co-
operative ideas that were the currency of the day. The co-operative movement has always
been strong in the Basque country. Ver, Por ejemplo, Ignacio Olabarri, “Tradiciones coopera-
tives vascas y las relaciones laborales,” in Joseba Intxausti (ed.), Euskal Herria: Historia y
Sociedad (Donostia 1985), 279–307. Co-operatives could be initiated and funded by a rich and
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
TRADITIONAL BA SQUE FI SHI NG B ROT HER H OODS | 571
So far as the modernizing program was concerned, the As-
sembly moved to strengthen the professional character of the
cofradías; to simplify their administration (Por ejemplo, by institut-
ing a caja de ahorros, which simpliªed ªnancial payouts); to expand
them into full co-operatives with modern merchandising capaci-
corbatas (such as industrialized ªsh production and appropriate sale fa-
cilities); and to form a federation, a Unión de Cofradías, with central
ofªces to facilitate liaison with the Fishing Ministry (crucial if the
cofradías were to develop and handle proper pósitos—that is, exe-
cute bank or insurance-like functions like other cooperatives).
The proposal to modernize also nodded toward the past. El
cofradías were to retain their confessional dimension and preserve
their cultural traditions.
Not everything that the Assembly had envisioned came to
pass. En 1936, the Madrid-based Sociedad para el progreso social
reported that of the seventeen cofradías, ªfteen were also pósitos
de pescadores. Altogether, the membership of these cofradías
numbered 5,690 individuals, 3,939 in Bizkaia and 1,751 in Gipuz-
koa. The Society’s study also referred to a minority of ªshermen
who were not associated, 71 in Bizkaia and 160 in Gipuzkoa. En-
stead of showing unity in their functions, the cofradías, and their
statutes, divided into three different types—those that limited par-
ticipation to armadores and patrones, those that admitted only
tostartekos (in which armadores and patróns could join but with-
out special acknowledgement or elevated status), and those that
had both armadores and crew. The administration of the cofradías
was still the same but now properly structured with a representa-
tive board, the junta directiva, and ofªcial titles—president, vicio-
president, secretary, speaker, and administrative staff, including the
mayordomo, accountants, signalmen, lighthouse men, and guards.
The practical function of the cofradias now had two clearly
speciªed dimensions: Primero, the cofradías regulated all aspects of la-
bor relations among members, docking and landing, the modes of
entry and exit to a local port, and the terms of all contracts (mayoría
importantly, pertaining to the sale of ªsh). Segundo, the cofradías
provided comprehensive social security through the administra-
benevolent capitalist or by socialist, social-Catholic, or by inter-class groups. Aunque el
Basque cofradías never became full-ºedged co-operatives, individual vessels and embarkations
sometimes took the form of a co-operative, though only for a minority of ªshermen.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
572 | ANDREAS HESS
tion of common funds—the pósitos de pescadores—particularly in
the case of emergency, injury, incapacity, and enforced periods of
layoffs. Además, the cofradia-cum-pósito arrangement pro-
vided medical insurance, pharmaceutical help, and payouts in the
event of death or work-related accidents. Cultural and religious
activities were conspicuous in their absence; by this time, el
cofradías had lost their religious afªliation, becoming more of a
secular mixed institution, partly fulªlling state functions.21
Few long-term studies show the development of the ªshing
sector, but Delgado Cendagortagalarza’s study of Bermeo is an ex-
ception. It describes the developments that took place in the larg-
est ªshing port on the Basque coast between 1912 y 1955, pay-
ing special attention to the conºict about ªshing methods in the
local cofradía. The most important expeditions conducted from
Bermeo were the kosteras (also known as coastal ªshing, pesca de
bajura, or pesca litoral), aimed at catching bonito (white tuna), un-
chovies, sardines, besugo (sea bream), and merluza (hake). Todavía, Alabama-
though the modern bajura expeditions used some of the newer el-
ements in ªshing, like live bait (cebo vivo), which became possible
only with the solution of energy and conservation problems, those
expeditions differed considerably from trawling in that they main-
tained their artisinal character.22
As Delgado Cendagortagalarza points out, kosteras and bajura
expeditions were subject to economic cycles; when ªsh were out
of season, economic activity was dormant. They also depended on
the industrial production of the tinning industry, which had begun
to determine consumer demand and therefore price. These cir-
José Manuel Gandasegui Larrauri, La industria pesquera en Vizcaya (Madrid, 1936), 22–23.
21
The report also gave a breakdown of each port. The numbers for cofradía members in the
Bizkaian ports are Bermeo, 860 (exterior port) y 850 (interior port); Ondarroa, 1,100;
Lekeitio, 480; Santurtzi, 207; Ciervana, 196; Elantxobe, 116; Arminza, 87; and Mundaka, 43.
The numbers for Gipuzkoan ports are San Sebastian, 440; Hondarribia, 336; Mutriku, 312;
Getaria, 282; Zumaia, 140; Orio, 80; Pasaia de San Sebastian, 84; and Pasaia de San Pedro, 77.
22 Delgado Cendagortagalarza, Bermeo en el siglo XX. Bermeo became the biggest ªshing
port on the Basque coast. En 1935, it accounted for 101 vessels; Ondarroa, the second biggest
puerto, had only about 48 vessels). An estimation of twelve men for each embarkation brings the
number of ªshermen to more than 1,200. En 1955, Bermeo’s ªshing sector had risen to more
than 2,000 ªshermen (45). To be sure, not all of these men were involved in kostera expedi-
ciones, particularly since the pesca de altura also sailed from Bermeo (as well as from Ondarroa
and Pasaia). In any case, the majority of Bermeo ªshermen were certainly involved in kostera
expeditions.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
TRADITIONAL BA SQUE FI SHI NG B ROT HER H OODS | 573
cumstances were hardly favorable for the armadores, tostartekos,
and txos, or for the small independent ªsh-market buyers (usually
the wives of the ªshermen). Unlike engineers, who worked both
on land and at sea, others involved in the ªshing industry received
an income only when ªsh were caught and brought to market.23
The price of ªsh, which was tied to the method of catching
a ellos, also added to this insecurity. In Bermeo, entre 1901 y
1908, a period of unregulated ªshing, the nets of the trawlers that
operated within the six-mile zone almost ruined coastal ªshing for
the kosteras and those who worked on the supply side of an al-
ready fragile market. New regulations for trawling did not solve
the problem; trawling outside but near the six-mile zone contin-
ued to deplete the coastal stock. Además, the ªsh factories and
wholesale buyers did not take into account how ªsh were caught,
so long as the catch reached their factories in time and in the right
quantity. En este punto, 70 a 80 percent of the catch went to ªsh
factories. Not even the ªshing industry’s introduction of mini-
mum prices could curb the factories’ control of the market.
What prevented the process from getting completely out of
hand was the property structure of the supply side. Co-ownership
and small mixed ownership of vessels (as many as ªve people) re-
mained the norm; big capital investment and absentee-ownership
were the exceptions. Además, ªshermen refused to capitulate to
the armadores, dueños, and patróns then in charge of the execu-
tive juntas. En 1907, a number of brothers left the Cofradía de San
Pedro to found the Cofradía Goizeko Izarra (they reconciled with
San Pedro in 1924). Another split occurred in 1913 when nation-
alists clashed with Catholics over a reform that would have given
each crew a single, collective vote to represent their interests—a
measure that fell decidedly short of a previous liberal call for each
member to receive one vote. The radical nationalists dropped
their other demand for converting the cofradía’s funds into more
comprehensive pósitos—a policy that the Second Republic en-
dorsed as a way to improve social security. But the Catholic fac-
tion objected even to this moderate package, exiting to form the
Cofradía Santa Clara. En 1932, the Cofradía de San Pedro split
again—this time into the Cofradía Interior and Cofradía Exterior.
23
Ibídem., 48.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
574 | ANDREAS HESS
The schism lasted until the year General Francisco Franco came to
power.24
Notwithstanding these
internal political divisions,
el
cofradías continued to regulate at least some important aspects of
coastal ªshing, reaching conclusions vis-à-vis trawling and the
preservation of the coastal ªsh stock that were far more long-
sighted than were the proposals offered by the buyer’s side. None-
theless, the cofradías could not stem the tide of the increasing
power and inºuence of the demand side.
Closer analysis demonstrates that the conºicts within the
cofradías were not class-oriented in the usual sense; their social re-
lations were more like family quarrels than capital–class opposi-
ciones. The bajura ªshermen were never a salaried class dependent
on capitalist entrepreneurs; their income derived solely from the
ªsh that they caught. But most importantly, the market forces that
to a large extent determined prices (and thereby income) eran
clearly outside the cofradías’ sphere of inºuence.
The major split was not between maestres and tostartekos. Alabama-
though their relationship was not without tensions, it was by no
means as distant as that between ªshermen and ªsh manufacturers/
comerciantes. Trawling was an important aspect of this relationship;
it threatened the cofradías’ and ªshermen’s existence, working to
the clear beneªt of the demand side. This unequal relationship is
the key to understanding the relationship between the cofradías
and the modern ªshing industry.25
Hoy, professional ªshing is subject to a complex web of leg-
islation and governmental interference at the local, regional, ya-
Ibídem., 60–63.
24
25 Enriqueta Sesmero Cutanda, “Aproximacion a las relaciones intracomunitarias de los
pescadores bermeanos a mediados del siglo XIX,” Zainak, XV (1997), 219–232, shows that
the conºict between cofradía and ªshermen on one side and ªsh manufacturing on the other,
also had an architectural expression: Fishermen lived close to the waterfront and the port,
whereas the commercial class lived in the better ºats and apartments uptown—the irony of
this situation being that the ªsh-manufacturing class had little actual contact with the sea.
Sesmero Cutanda also notes that the distinctions in housing beween those ªshermen who
made it into the vessel-owner group and those who remained simple tostartekos were not as
blatant as the distinctions between those on the supply side and those on the demand side of
Bermeo’s unique form of class struggle.
The Basque bajura ºeet has not simply surrendered to the powerful trawler and ªsh in-
dustry. For more information about the extent to which it has kept up with technological in-
innovación, see Bikandi, “Aspectos sociales de la actividad pesquera,” 149–174, which examines
the changing roles of owners and ªshermen. For the type of knowledge that is required to
steer a modern ªshing vessel, see Bermejo,”El pescador actual,” 59–93.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
TRADITIONAL BA SQUE FI SHI NG B ROT HER H OODS | 575
tional, and international levels. Although local laws and customs
the regional Federation of
still apply to individual cofradías,
Cofradías of Gipuzkoa and Bizkaia determines whether certain
types of ªshing are approved or prohibited within a given zone.
Trawling is regulated at the national level. The main problems as-
sociated with it seem to have been solved by a law of 1953, cual
proscribed it wherever water was shallower than 125 meters. en un
revision of 1962, trawling was allowed within the six-mile zone
but only at 100 meters or deeper. En 1965, trawling within the six-
mile zone was rescinded, and in 1969, this zone was extended to
twelve miles. On the international level, the most important regu-
lations concerning coastal ªshing were the long-time agreements
between France and Spain, but since 1986 (with the entry of Spain
into the European Common Market), the quota system of the Eu-
ropean Union (eu) has increasingly become the framework for
ªshing policies. Under eu rules, ªshing in foreign waters is
permissable by license.26
The Basque cofradías’ responsibilities still include the sale of
ªsh, though the factories and wholesalers avoid the public auc-
ciones, usually buying directly from the larger ªshing companies.
The cofradías, sin embargo, continue to establish prices for ªsh sold at
auction. The cofradías also retain the power to enforce their own,
and the eu’s, normas, and they represent the “ªrst port of call” in the
case of emergencies and rescue operations. Todavía, the traditional role
of the cofradía belongs largely to the past. Historic rights have now
become concessions. But the worst change is that the trawler in-
dustry has become dissociated from cofradía control. The trawler
ºeet and its adjunct, the international corporate ªshing industry,
show little self-discipline and little concern for the environment.
Whether the voices of the ªshermen who remain in the current
cofradías will be heard under these conditions is far from certain.
Además, as one astute observer has pointed out, the modern
26
Juan Apraiz and Aingeru Astui, “La pesca en Euskalerria: La pesca de litoral,” Itsasoa, II
(1987), 119–220; ídem, “La pesca en Euskalerria: La pesca de bajura,” ibid., IV (1989), 74–148.
At the beginning of the new millennium, the Basque ªshing ºeet consisted of 468 vessels with
4,236 crew members—2,215 of them in the pesca de bajura, 979 in the pesca de altura, y
solo 220 in the trawling industry (arrastre). The rest of the ships specialized in catching either
cod (251) or tuna (571). The number of people working in the entire ªshing sector was ap-
aproximadamente 27,000 (Bermejo,”El pescador actual," 60). López Losa, “La pesca en el País
Vasco durante el siglo XX: Modernización, tradición y crisis,” AREAS, XXVII (2008), 7–25.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
576 | ANDREAS HESS
cofradía is—regrettably—no longer at the center of social and cul-
tural activities.27
plebeian culture, moral economy, and “voice” The tradi-
tional cofradía and its moral economy could develop and function
properly only because it was an expression of an urban or semi-
urban environment that was able to foster a strong plebian culture.
The early harbors functioned as communication posts not only
between the coast and the interior but also along the coast, di-
rected mainly toward the sea and the people who made a living
from it. Unlike the Mediterranean harbors, which underwent an
organic growth, the settlements on the Cantabrian coastline re-
quired deliberate planning, only in part because of such daunting
geographical features as the steep coastline. These close-knit and
internally dense settlements encouraged an infrastructure devoted
to speciªc socio-economic aims.
Fishing,
comercio, and emerging small-scale industries
(iron
works and ship building) were the main economic activities. Fish-
ermen, artisans (carpenters, hook makers, etc.), cofradía employ-
ees, and small-scale tradespeople, together with their families,
comprised the largest part of the working population. A pesar de
jauntxos gained distinction over the years, no clearly identiªable
elite or self-sustaining ruling class emerged in the Basque coastal
communities during the last 500 years—at least none that had any
major impact on day-to-day working practices, cultural patterns,
and civic organizations. The three key institutional players, todo
whom are in one way or another connected to the plebeian ma-
jority, were the cofradía, the mayor’s ofªce (the town hall and ad-
27 López Losa, “La pesca en el País Vasco,” 7–25; José Ignacio Homobono, “Comens-
abilidad y ªesta en el ambito arrantzale: San Martin De Bermeo,” Bermeo, VI (1987), 301–392;
ídem, “Fiestas e el ámbito arrantzale: Expresiones de sociabilidad e identidades colectivas,"
Zainak, XV (1997), 61–100.
For a moving portrait of the decline of the traditional cofradía, see Rubio-Ardanaz, La
antropología maritíma subdisciplina de la antropología sociocultural (Bilbao, 1994). See also idem,
Lemanes, sardineras y pescadores, 30–31, which describes the long twentieth-century struggle
between traditional ªshing and the more proªtable capitalist ªshing. Rubio-Ardanaz referred
mainly to Santurtzi, at the mouth of the river Nervión (now part of greater Bilbao), but his
description applies to the harbors of Bermeo, Ondarroa, and Pasaia. The cofradía has only a
symbolic and sentimental presence in most harbors now. In Mutriku, Por ejemplo, the old
Cofradía Zaharra is a museum and the newer cofradía, which is now defunct, houses a sea-
food-processing company and a scuba-diving school. One of the oldest ports along the
Cantabrian coast is soon to become a sports harbor. Noisy speedboats and elegant yachts,
mainly from France, visit during the summer; harbor activities cease altogether during the
invierno.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
TRADITIONAL BA SQUE FI SHI NG B ROT HER H OODS | 577
ministration), and the local church. This institutional constellation
and its supporting social network were responsible for the stable
moral economy that emerged.
The plebeian culture was not completely egalitarian. Igualdad
in this context signiªes a working majority in a town that (1) de-
pended mainly on seafaring, ªshing, and related activities; (2) em-
bodied certain internal distinctions, based on the division of labor,
which were primarily functional; (3) encountered no extremes,
neither a signiªcant and powerful elite class nor an entirely impov-
erished one; y (4) established a stable infrastructure to support
the working majority economically, socially, and culturally. Estos
four conditions culminated in a sense of community that is unique
among traditional ªshing communities in Europe.
In his essay on moral economy and the English crowd, Thompson
notes that the old economy before capitalism—based originally on
commodities produced at subsistence levels and exchanged di-
rectly without mediation—embodied certain moral rules and reg-
ulaciones. Even in later local and regional markets, the economic
principals still knew one another; the chain of trade was the short-
est way possible between producer and buyer, involving few, si
cualquier, intermediaries.
Many authors have made the point that this network relied
heavily on family ties during the Antiguo Régimen, but only a few
(such as Delgado Cendagortagalorza and Ignacio Homobono)
have related it comprehensively to ªshing communities. A pesar de
Thompson’s description applies mainly to rural small towns, con
a little tweaking, it could easily apply to any cofradía’s ªsh auction.
The main features of face-to-face interaction, personal trustwor-
thiness, and the marketplace as a locus of social interaction ªt al-
most perfectly. Even the condition of near-subsistence production
is met by the early ªsh market. One of its most striking features is
the absence of middlemen. Even though economic activities were
crucial, they were always embedded within a larger context of so-
ciability.28
Only with the emergence of modern ªshing and large ªsh-
28 Thompson, Plebeische Kultur und moralische Ökonomie, 80–128; María Imízcoz, “Actores
sociales y redes de relaciones: reºexiones para una historia global,” in idem (ed.), Redes
familiares y patronazgo, 19–30; Delgado Cendagortagalarza, Bermeo en el siglo XX; Catálogo de la
Exposición Lekeitio (Bilbao,1992); Ignacio Homobono, “Comensabilidad y ªesta en el ambito
arrantzale,” 301–392; ídem, “Fiestas e el ámbito arrantzale,” 61–100.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
578 | ANDREAS HESS
processing industries did the internal cohesion and solidaristic as-
pects of the cofradía erode. Considerably less artisan than tradi-
tional ªshing, trawling relies less on individual or collective expe-
rience than on technical infrastructure and specialized knowledge.
The crew on a trawler, which can be hired at any harbor, is like
any group of industrial employees; their labor is a mere commod-
idad. On the capital side of the equation, ownership comes either in
the form of an absent ªgurehead or a corporation. In the past,
small and middle-sized companies (usually run by families, women
being instrumental in this context) and ªshing crews (with their
dependents) determined local policies through the cofradías. Pero
when the demands of the new free market, heavily inºuenced by
incoming capital, ended the ªshing fraternities’ monopoly on
landing and selling ªsh, the cofradías’ authority dissipated and
splintered and the collective voice of ªshermen became sub-
merged.
Attempts to harmonize the different interests of the cofradías,
under the aegis of Eusko Ikaskuntza and others in the early twenti-
eth century, met with limited success. Under Franco the monop-
oly was artiªcially prolonged, mainly for political reasons. Fran-
coist ªshing policies tried to re-deªne the cofradía as a corporatist
institución, in which members had no political or social control.
These economic changes continued to erode the institution even
after Franco’s death.29
The egalitarian ethos of the old-type cofradía has almost dis-
appeared. Many years of centralized decision making—ªrst by lo-
cal provincial authorities, later by the Basque and Spanish govern-
mentos, and ªnally by the eu—eventually created a conception of
the sea as a limitless resource to be exploited as if there were no to-
morrow, with disastrous consequences. The more recent concern,
outside the industry, for ecological balance, limited quotas, y
stricter control to this point has had little effect; the institutions
that could have given substance to this environmental rhetoric are
in a moribund state.
29 López Losa, “La pesca en el País Vasco,” 7–25.
yo
D
oh
w
norte
oh
a
d
mi
d
F
r
oh
metro
h
t
t
pag
:
/
/
d
i
r
mi
C
t
.
metro
i
t
.
mi
d
tu
/
j
i
/
norte
h
a
r
t
i
C
mi
–
pag
d
yo
F
/
/
/
/
4
0
4
5
5
1
1
6
9
8
7
2
5
/
j
i
.
.
norte
h
2
0
1
0
4
0
4
5
5
1
pag
d
.
.
.
F
b
y
gramo
tu
mi
s
t
t
oh
norte
0
8
S
mi
pag
mi
metro
b
mi
r
2
0
2
3
Descargar PDF