Jane Vicente
Using Information and
Communication Technologies to
Support New Global Societies
Hoy, migrants can count on the availability of information and communication
tecnologías (ICTs) as powerful tools to mediate their trajectory of life.1
This paper examines the use of ICTs by some of the vast population of multi-
cultural, plurilingüe, and multiethnic migrants living in Europe, Asia, Australia,
the Americas, and Africa. Drawing from recently published studies by the
Pordenone Group of Scholars,2 this paper explores how internal and external
migration is consistently transforming societies across the globe. Many of the mil-
lions of people who have moved from their birthplace now use mobile phones and
the Internet to maintain familial, religious, political, linguistic, comercial, y
cultural connections, regardless of their whereabouts. The role these migrants play
in the construction of new societies using this connectivity is significant and trans-
formative, such as their contribution to innovative business and entrepreneurial
actividad. Using examples from the everyday experiences of migrants, this paper
provides a glimpse of the many different circumstances in which migrants use
ICTs to maintain their lives.3 In so doing, it aims to provide a view of migrants
worldwide from the perspective of their use of ICTs, thereby offering new knowl-
edge about “a body of humankind on the move with a mobile phone in their pock-
et or access to the Internet to guide them.”4
The reasons people migrate are manifold, but it is not so much why someone
has migrated that is explored here but what happens after they have moved. Una vez
in their new home, the migrant must establish and sustain a new life and perhaps
also support their family, whether they are with them or left behind in the home-
land. The new social ecology of the migrant is examined here, first with regard to
how they maintain communications with their home and the emotional effects this
may have on them and those left behind. The paper then explores the growing
recognition of the positive contributions migrants make in the business communi-
ty, as well as how they have appropriated the ICTs and are using them to define
their identities. The paper includes illustrations from our studies, which cover all
Jane Vincent is a visiting fellow with the Digital World Research Centre
(www.dwrc.surrey.ac.uk) in the faculty of arts and human sciences.
© 2013 Jane Vicente
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Jane Vicente
the continents, and considers future opportunities for innovation and commerce
that might be enhanced or in some way impacted by the new global societies.
KEEPING IN CONTACT WITH HOME
Stories and myths carried down from past centuries of migration provide a strong
folk memory for new migrants of the present day, not least in perpetuating the
nostalgia they feel for home. Traveling to make a new home elsewhere may be a
joyful decision, but it might also entail great hardship and come at considerable
cost to the migrants and those left behind, who may have paid in cash as well as
emotionally to give a family member a new chance in life. Migration is not only
about making a great journey across continents to flee oppression or for survival;
it can also be about making a relatively short journey from the countryside into a
town in search of economic prosperity and new opportunities. Whatever the rea-
son behind a move, there is most likely a desire to keep in touch with those left
behind, and finding effective ways to manage emotional family ties and the wrench
of separation frees the migrant to make their way in their new homeland. En esto
sección, I explore some of the ways the migrants in our studies have maintained
their emotional bonds with their home and family.
Looking first at the history of communication between migrants and the
friends and family left behind, one can begin to see how the new communications
technologies in use today can support migrants’ emotional ties. The availability of
ICTs and the pace of technological development—from the early post and tele-
graph to the telephone to the ubiquitous Internet and/or mobile phone coverage—
have changed the mode of keeping in contact, particularly over the last decade. El
expanding geographic rollout of mobile phone and wifi networks now easily pro-
vides for those who need to stay in contact when away from home.
Communications companies initially provided their service primarily for mobile
workers who made a daily commute or business trip, rather than for those who
were permanently relocating. In the UK, Por ejemplo, the first public mobile phone
coverage was provided in 1985 for people working in the oil industry in Scotland
and offshore in the fisheries, as well as in the financial district of London.5
Sin embargo, it is now people who travel for business and holidays, migrant workers,
and the immigrant diasporas that will de facto push for the availability of services
in ever more places, including ports of entry, entertainment venues, international
sporting events, holiday resorts, commercial centers, etc.. The availability of smart-
phone applications in all these places shows just how appealing the new ICTs are
to all, regardless of whether they are a migrant, a visitor, or a native of a particular
lugar.
This mobility in the use of communications by the general population is to
some extent reducing the differences between users of ICTs, not least between
migrants and non-migrants. With a mobile phone or Internet access, one can make
contact with home from almost any location in the world, a significant change
from even the recent past, when moving to a new country meant that telephone
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Using ICTs to Support New Global Societies
contact was possible primarily via public phones or in the workplace. Personal
phone contracts in the UK and many other countries were not permitted, regard-
less of financial status, unless a person had a bank account, and even then it was
often only possible if one had a permanent address and at least six months’ resi-
dency. Nowadays a person merely needs an email account or a SIM card from a
local mobile phone operator to be connected to home immediately upon arriving
in a new country.
In the past, contact between migrants and those they left behind was main-
tained mostly by paper mail. This handwritten communication was significant: él
did not simply convey information but replaced face-to-face communication with
a sense of personal contact through the familiarity of the handwriting and the feel
of the paper on which a letter was written. En efecto, the sight of a loved one’s hand-
writing could convey a more multisensorial experience than the words alone, y
the emotion conveyed was something that today’s texts or email cannot so easily
provide. Pui-lam Law and his team have studied Chinese internal migration in the
Guandong province for 20 años, and have observed many of the transformations
occurring during this period in the attitudes and behaviors of the different waves
of migration.6 For example, some of the workers Law interviewed for his latest
study had their family at the top of their mobile phone contacts list, but this did
not necessarily mean they called them most often or even called them at all. El
availability of mobile phones and Internet cafés has transformed these migrant
workers’ mode and frequency of contact with their families. Services related to job
information and playing Internet games now often occupies their spare time,
which distances them from the affection inherent in interacting directly with their
family members, which had been manifest in the letters and phone calls that today
are no longer so prevalent.
Cheng studied the migrant workers in the Pearl River Delta who float between
jobs and never really settle down. They used the social network QQ to maintain
relationships and establish their status in this virtual world, even when they never
really found time to create the same links in their face-to-face workaday life:
Mobile QQ as a technological communication innovation fills this gap,
and some workers have started to adopt this kind of technology to escape
the boredom and sadness of a dull and aimless working life. The paradox
es, sin embargo, that the more they adopt and are addicted to cyber relation-
buques, the more likely it is that they will feel lost and withdrawn from the
real world in which they are living.7
The notion of losing the intimacy of face-to-face contact by essentially living
in a virtual world has also been explored by Turkle, who suggests that we are on
the cusp of “the robotic moment.”8 However, she also says that the more time we
spend with our mobile phones and computers, the more likely we are to come to
realize the importance of keeping face-to-face connections alive.
Evidence from other studies regarding mobile phone use shows that for some
people the mobile phone has almost become a substitute for the presence of others
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or a means of bonding with a new group of migrants. Por ejemplo, in their respec-
tive research in Europe, Lásen and Vincent found that people fondle the phone
when thinking of a close loved one. Evers and Goggin, who studied newly arrived
and established migrant men living in Sydney, Australia, most of them from
African countries, had similar findings.9 Many of these young men have spent a
lifetime in refugee camps, frequently moving and being moved on by people who
misunderstand them and believe them to be a threat. Like the native mobile phone
users examined by Vincent and Lásen, for these men the mobile phone is crucial
to their intimate daily life. Sin embargo, it is also key to the development of their new
migrant identity:
Mobile phones are part of a masculine bonding that is crucial to coping
with resettlement. [Ellos] have a passion for their mobile phones that
goes beyond simply need. The young men are intimately connected to
their phones. They compare their phones, play with them, swap them,
compare and share what’s on them and always guard them with vigor . . .
When playing football some of the young men will not put their phones
down and will carry the phone in their hand, music on.10
While the mobile phone has become critical to the affective bonds between
these young men, Evers and Goggin also noted that their phone calls home can be
traumatic and carry quite an emotional cost. Thus the mobile phone at once pro-
vides both the comfort of intimate friendship with those who are present and the
pain of keeping in contact with loved ones who are absent. De nuevo, this experience
is similar to that of native users but certainly more poignant when those absent
most likely will never again be present. Although ever in reach by the touch of the
mobile phone, once the call is completed the reality of separation and isolation is
forced into sharp focus. The strong emotions discussed in Evers and Goggin’s work
are different from the response to separation found in Law’s and Cheng’s studies
on mobile phone use in China, where emotions are not confronted in the same
way.11 Nevertheless, managing emotion in mediated communications was a factor
in all the studies presented here. The loss of the comfort brought by the familiari-
ty of a handwritten letter is perhaps more than compensated for by the emotional
connectivity made available at all times by ICTs.
MEDIATED EMOTIONS
Emotions mediated via ICTs as highlighted in these examples were explored by
Vincent and Fortunati and other members of the Pordenone Group. Their findings
suggest that emotional ties between family members are managed similarly via the
mobile phone and the Internet, whatever the distance apart and however long the
separation.12 Thus, using ICTs to manage the emotional aspects of migration is not
unique to these groups of migrant users. En efecto, in our studies of emotions and
ICTs, we found that people used their mobile phones to create, live, and relive
“electronic emotions”—that is, the emotions enabled and conveyed by machines.
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Using ICTs to Support New Global Societies
While some present-day migrants may have had ways of maintaining constant and
instant contact with family and friends before they emigrated, they might feel these
electronic emotions more keenly in their new world because the “always-on”
aspect of mobile phones is a constant reminder of the possibility for immediate
contact.
An example of this constant connectivity can be found in the experiences of
Filipino overseas workers, for whom maintaining contact with those they cherish
is extremely important, as noted in Pertierra’s study of migrants from the
Philippines.13 He identifies how mobility and new media create opportunities for
Filipinos living overseas to keep in touch, as well as for those left behind. Unless
they are in a professional class, Filipino workers do not enjoy an affluent lifestyle,
and there is little private space in their homes. Por lo tanto, the mobile phone has
become the place they go for privacy and intimacy, as text messaging enables per-
sonal ties between users who might otherwise have no such connection. Internet
cafés are also used to a great extent to establish and conduct real and virtual rela-
tionships:
The normal constraints of gender, class and generation are suspended in
the café, allowing alternative relationships, both real and virtual, to devel-
op. Like the London coffee houses in the 17th century, Internet cafés facil-
itate communicative exchanges in the real and virtual worlds.
Keeping family connections active is important in the Philippines, incluido
the mortuary rituals that are so important for making funeral arrangements. Es
at times of bereavement that the isolation and distance from home is most keenly
felt. Sin embargo, the introduction of broadband connectivity in Manila’s funeral
homes has helped assuage the guilt felt by those not able to attend a funeral, as rel-
atives living abroad can now participate in funerals, if only via a digitally mediat-
ed link.
Notwithstanding the negative effects of being immersed in a virtual world of
redes sociales, it would appear that the studies of ICT use explored here show in
general that social media can make a positive difference in the well-being of
migrants, and for those who receive their communications in the homeland.
Keeping in touch is thus not simply a matter of supplanting letters with electronic
messages; in this media rich world, there are many ways to stay connected and to
continue to participate in day-to-day home life—or, if desired, to retreat to the
cyber world of virtual relationships.
CONTRIBUTION OF MIGRANTS
Thus far I have discussed the migrants who want to stay in touch with relatives and
friends left behind and to maintain their identity with their homeland, así como
some who have become immersed in the social media of their new communities
to the exclusion of those left behind. Many migrants remain linked to their coun-
try’s diaspora, send money home, visit home regularly, and carry on their lives in
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both their original home and their host country.14 There are, sin embargo, migrants
who leave their country of origin behind forever and begin a new life in their
adopted country. History offers many examples of how migrants, far from staying
in the background of their adopted country, have been at the forefront of innova-
ción, academic success, new technologies, and industry. En efecto, we only need to
look at today’s university professors and industry leaders to see the multinational
presence of migrant workers. Sombart, writing about this subject over a century
atrás, argued that migrants provided great leaps forward in technological innova-
ción;15 Por ejemplo, Marconi, Einstein, Fermi, von Neumann and Wittgenstein
were all migrants:
Migrants’ contribution applies as much to the Arts as to the Sciences.
African musicians, Jewish refugees, Soviet dissidents and Asian intellec-
tuals have not limited themselves to “integrating” in the host culture and
society but they have enriched and reoriented many contemporary soci-
eties and cultures.16
While one can point to particular individuals for the impact their inventions
and entrepreneurship have had on society, academia, or the business world, migra-
tion can also have a broader impact on society. Hunt and Gauthier-Loiselle exam-
ined data on the patent applications of U.S. college graduates from 1940 a 2000.17
They found a direct correlation between immigrant science and technology grad-
uates and new patent applications that “implies that the influx of immigrant col-
lege graduates in the 1990s increased the US GDP per capita by 1.4- 2.4%.”18 They
further suggest that immigrant graduates have greater inventive ability than native
science and technology graduates; por lo tanto, a policy of substituting immigrants’
skills with native skills would be unlikely to achieve the same result. This is borne
out by a report from the U.S. Fiscal Policy Unit, which shows higher rates of busi-
ness ownership among migrants than natives.19
Research in Australia, the UK, and the U.S. has shown that the contribution
immigrants are making to new businesses and entrepreneurship is higher than that
of the native population. In Australia, this has led to schemes to fast track the
immigration of certain business entrepreneurs to address particular skill shortages.
The UK and U.S. studies show that migrants are more likely to start up businesses
than lifelong residents; Por ejemplo, the immigrant share of small business owners
in the U.S. es 18 percent of the total, which is higher than the 13 percent share
migrants have in the overall population; the immigrant presence in the workforce
es 16 percent.20 Levie and Hart’s UK studies found that nascent entrepreneurship
and successful business startups were more likely to come from immigrants, en
part because of their ability to access international markets.21 Levie and Hart’s stud-
ies also noted that being a migrant but not of any particular ethnicity was the dif-
ferentiator for nascent entrepreneurs, thus innovation and new businesses
emerged not as a result of race or nationality but because certain individuals were
making their way in a new community—and country. The use of ICTs is not
specifically addressed in these innovation and migration studies, but it is likely that
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Using ICTs to Support New Global Societies
establishing a new business is much the same for migrants and natives, a pesar de
for migrants, transacting business across the globe has, por supuesto, been made sim-
pler with ICTs.
As Goggin has shown in his research exploring the intersection of mobile
phone development and Australia’s relationship with Asia, the growing migration
from Japan and China has reoriented Australia more toward Asia and the Pacific
and away from its former colonial links with the UK.22 Much can be written about
culture and the multinational societies populated with migrants and their descen-
dants. Mantovani highlights the dilemma of second-generation migrants, who are
not fully accepted in their parents’ adopted country or in the country their parents
left behind.23 While this might create political and religious tension for some, él
leads others to join in constructing new communities that have intercultural rich-
ness and common values. Sin embargo, many in these new communities do main-
tain links with their homeland while establishing a new life in their adopted coun-
intentar. Use of the Internet and smartphone apps can help them to manage their tran-
sition into the life of the migrant; Por ejemplo, Steinbock offers an iPhone app
called Migrant & Asylum Rights, and Cardoza Inc. offers a national education pro-
gram app for migrant children—just two of many developed for immigrant com-
munities and new migrants.
Mobility in the day-to-day life of migrants often is negotiated in a new lan-
guage; migrants must learn the language of their adopted country, and English is a
bridging language for many. Bortoluzzi has explored the concept of “englishes,” or
the existence of multiple versions of English.24 The computer program being used
to write this article offers 18 versions of English, and there are many more avail-
able worldwide. Following Kachru, Bortoluzzi shows how current English lan-
guage usage has developed.25 Originating in Britain, it extended out across coun-
tries that adopted English as their first language, on to those who learned it as a
foreign language, and eventually to those who use it only to read certain books or
to access the Internet:
Englishes have migrated far and wide with multinational organizations,
business and service-based economy, banks, international publishing
houses, media channels and so on. The consequences of this diaspora of
Englishes from the native speaker center(s) to the non native speakers
periphery and back is a continuous movement of interests and ideas
which has contributed to the present status of the most learned foreign
second language in the world.26
De este modo, not only people but also language is migrating globally, particularly
through commerce, as English is the common language for so many businesses.
Innovative new apps such as “sayhitranslate” enable quick, albeit not always per-
fect, translation of many more languages, which perhaps indicates that mobile
devices will be used as universal communicators through universal translation
functions.27
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Jane Vicente
“POLYMEDIA”: MULTIPLE INTERCONNECTIVITY
It is evident from the experiences of the migrants already discussed in this paper
that the ubiquity of mobile phones and Internet access has had an important effect
on what it means to be a migrant in this second decade of the 21st century. Mobility
is now a concept that can apply to anyone, as roaming the world with a mobile
phone and picking up the Internet wherever there is wireless connectivity is com-
monplace, not just for migrants but for all who travel from home. This means the
migrant is not necessarily identified by their mode of communication or lack of
access to some types of communication. De hecho, as Kluzer and Codagnone point
afuera, many migrants use more ICTs than locals, which eases the migrants’ integra-
tion into their new homes.28
What it means to be a migrant is often defined by the media, but whereas a
migrant in the past might be misrepresented, the Internet has given migrants a
new relationship with the media that allows them to be “the creators of the media
themselves.”29 As Madianou and Miller have identified in their concept of poly-
media, “media” now refers to multifaceted interconnectivity, to the plethora of
media that include social network sites, YouTube, blogs, webcams, and more.30
Social media can quickly extend the reach of a community from a few local links
to a global presence. Examples of this are manifold, such as Garbin and Vásquez’s
study of the Pentecostal community in London that maintain links with its spiri-
tual leader and fellow congregations in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
through websites, television, radio, and even mobile phone messages that are tran-
scribed, traducido, and printed onto leaflets.31 One particular “megachurch” in the
UK has an outreach program that has a website at its core. It is using this website
to “build a church without walls,” which will extend its reach via television and
radio stations around the world to 217 countries.32 Internet links can facilitate a
special bond between these religious communities, as exemplified by the audio
connection made between the spiritual leader in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and a new place of worship in London.
GLOBAL SOCIETIES: THE CONNECTED GENERATIONS
In exploring ICT use by migrants on five continents, the Pordenone Group has
shown how migrants adapt to their new communities while keeping in touch with
their countries of origin. The migrant workers discussed in this paper are connect-
ed to their homelands via mobile phones and the Internet, and there is nothing to
suggest that this kind of connectivity will not continue to grow apace. As new tech-
nologies are developed and mobile phones gain ever greater capabilities, having an
email address and a SIM card will probably be the minimum requirement for a
new migrant. Recent research for the GSM Association highlights the growth of
machine-to-machine connectivity, low-cost cellular technology, and a general
increase worldwide of ICT access, which can only create more opportunities for
innovation in the migrant communities.33
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Using ICTs to Support New Global Societies
New global societies that are connected via social media, mobile phones, y
the Internet are clearly increasing rapidly. What is apparent from the studies dis-
cussed in this paper is that migrant communities around the globe continue to
have a voracious appetite for ICTs and that ease of access to ICTs has transformed
the lives of many people who find themselves in a foreign environment. These peo-
ple can leverage business opportunities in their new communities and also main-
tain a business in their home country. Maintaining emotional and affective contact
is facilitated by ICTs, which can enable a recent migrant to help manage home life
even across continents.
Looking to the future, there are many routes the new migrant communities can
follow with their use of ICTs. Virtual global societies are already emerging in
which migrants can immerse themselves to escape the dullness of their new life, o
they can use them to enhance their lives, as did the Filipinos finding new intima-
cies in a virtual domestic space. While there are obvious opportunities for migrants
to use ICTs to avoid learning a new language and the culture of their adopted
country, it appears that ICTs are used in much the same way by migrants as by the
native population. The mobility afforded by mobile phones and wireless Internet
frees everyone to move around and conduct their business as they please, cual
suggests that what it means to be a migrant is no longer defined by deficiencies in
access to communications. Many migrants today demonstrate a more robust use of
ICTs than that of natives, including Web 2.0, satellite and mobile phones, televi-
sión, and connectivity on the Internet via services such as Skype or ooVoo. Future
global societies—real and virtual—populated by migrants are likely to be framed
by a new socio-technical system co-constructed by migrants and natives that will
support the mobility of peoples’ lives and accommodate their varied cultural iden-
tities. Developing a new social ecology such as this clearly will create many oppor-
tunities for migrants and non-migrants alike, who will continue to innovate and
develop new products, new technological capabilities, and new ways of keeping
their global societies connected.
1. Leopoldina Fortunati, Raul Pertierra, and Jane Vincent, "Introducción,” in Migration, Diaspora,
and Information Technologies in Global Societies, ed. Leopoldina Fortunati, Raul Pertierra, y
Jane Vicente. Nueva York: Routledge, 2012.
2. This group was brought together in 2008 by the COST Action 298 Participation in Broadband
Sociedad. COST—the European Cooperation in Science and Technology—was established in 1971
by the European Union to foster multidisciplinary research among scientific communities
worldwide. Information available at http://www.cost.eu.
3. These examples are taken from the publication (Fortunati, Pertierra, and Vincent 2012) that was
the final product of seminars on Migration and ICTs and Emotions that were hosted by the
University of Udine and the COST Action 298. Había 28 autores, some of whom are cited
in this paper. Sin embargo, I would like to acknowledge them all for their contributions, in particu-
lar my fellow editors, Leopoldina Fortunati and Raul Pertierra, who have supported me in writ-
ing this paper.
4. Fortunati et al., "Introducción," pag. X.
5. Jane Vincent and Richard Harper, Social Shaping of UMTS: Preparing the 3G Customer, Informe
26, Universal Mobile Telecommunications System Forum, 2003.
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6. Pui-Lam Law, “Migrant Workers, New Media Technologies and Decontextualization: A
Preliminary Observation in Southern China,” in Fortunati et al., Migración, Diaspora and
Information Technologies.
7. Chung-Tai Cheng, “Floating Workers and Mobile QQ: The Struggle in the Search for Roots,” in
Fortunati et al., Migración, Diaspora and Information Technologies, pag. 229.
8. Sherry Turkle, Alone Together: Why We Expect More from Technology and Less from Each Other.
Nueva York: Libros Básicos, 2011.
9. Amparo Lásen, “The Social Shaping of Fixed and Mobile Networks: A Historical Comparison,"
in Understanding Mobile Phone Users and Usage, ed. PAG. Gossett. Newbury, Reino Unido:
Vodafone Group, 2005; Jane Vicente, “Emotional Attachment and Mobile Phones,” Knowledge
Tecnología, y política 19, No. 1 (2006): 29-44; Clifton Evers and Gerard Goggin, “Mobiles, Hombres
and Migration: Mobile Communication and Everyday Multiculturalism in Australia,” in
Fortunati et al., Migración, Diaspora and Information Technologies.
10. Op Cit, 2012, pag. 211.
11. cheng, “Floating Workers and Mobile QQ.”
12. Jane Vicente, “Living with Mobile Phones,” in Mobile Media and the Change of Everyday Life,
ed. Joachim Höflich, Georg Kircher, Christina Linke, and Isabel Schlote. Berlina: Peter Lang,
2010.
13. Raul Pertierra, “Diasporas, the New Media and the Globalized Homeland,” in Fortunati et al.,
Migración, Diaspora and Information Technologies.
14. Pertierra, “Diasporas, the New Media and the Globalized Homeland”; Heike Mónika Greshke,
“Make Yourself at Home in www_cibervalle_com: Meanings of Proximity and Togetherness in
the Era of the ‘Broadband Society,’” Heather Horst, “Grandmothers, Girlfriends and Big Men:
The Gendered Geographies of Jamaican Transnational Communication,” in Fortunati et al.,
Migración, Diaspora and Information Technologies.
15. Werner Sombart, Der moderne Kapitalismus. München and Leipzig: Duncker and Humblot,
1902/1927.
16. Fortunati et al., Migración, Diaspora and Information Technologies, pag. 3.
17. Jennifer Hunt and Marjolaine Gauthier-Loiselle, “How Much Does Immigration Boost
Innovation?” IZA DP No. 3921, 2009. Available at http://ftp.iza.org/dp3921.pdf. Accedido
Agosto 16, 2012.
18. Hunt and Gauthier-Loiselle, “How Much Does Immigration Boost Innovation?" pag. 21.
19. Report from the Fiscal Policy Institute’s Immigration Research Initiative, Junio 2012. Disponible
at http://fiscalpolicy.org/immigrant-small-business-owners-FPI-20120614.pdf. Accedido
Agosto 16, 2012.
20. See xxii
21. Jonathan Levie and Mark M. Hart, “The Contribution of Migrants and Ethnic Minorities to
Entrepreneurship in the United Kingdom,” in The Dynamics of Entrepreneurial Activity.
Oxford, Inglaterra: prensa de la Universidad de Oxford, 2011, páginas. 101-123.
22. Gerard Goggin, “Reorienting the Mobile: Australasian Imaginaries,” The Information Society 24
(2008): 171-181.
23. Giuseppe Mantovani, “New Media, Migrations and Culture: From Multi- to Interculture,” in
Fortunati et al., Migración, Diaspora and Information Technologies.
24. Maria Bortoluzzi, “From English to New Englishes: Language Migration Towards New
Paradigms,” in Fortunati et al., Migración, Diaspora and Information Technologies.
25. Braj Katchru, The Other Tongue: English across Cultures, 2nd edition. Urbana: Universidad de
Illinois Press, 1992.
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27. See www.sayhitranslate.com. Accessed August 16, 2012.
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