The Cloth That Eats Money - Specialized Research AI at MIT

The Cloth That Eats Money
Ṣeghoṣen as a Symbol of Prestige

Babatunde Onibode and Robin Poynor

n August 2019, Ajibade Gbadegesin Ogunoye was installed
as Ogunoye III, the 32nd Olọ́wọ̀ of Ọ̀wọ̀ and Paramount
Ruler of Ọ̀wọ̀ Kingdom.1 The steps leading to his corona-
tion involved numerous ceremonies and ritual acts that
transpired over more than two weeks. Several variations
of attire were required over the period of intense ritual
activity. On the day of his investiture (September 8, 2019, seven-
teen days after his installation), Ogunoye was crowned with the
coral bead ade (crown) selected for the occasion from the collec-
tion of royal headwear in the palace (Fig. 1). The crown was topped
by the urere oken, the tail feather of the bird associated with roy-
alty among many Yoruba groups, perhaps the African Paradise
Flycatcher, a tiny forest bird with long white tail feathers (okin in
Yoruba but oken in Ọ̀ghọ̀). Beads of office around his neck, wrists,
and ankles were noticeable as he danced before the joyous people
of Ọ̀wọ̀.2 Two elaborate ape (dancing swords) made for the occasion
bore his name along with the lion and unicorn emblem in cutout de-
signs. Two large cloths called ipanmeta3 (each made of three panels
of locally woven, blue-striped fabric) crossed over each other, one
tied on the left shoulder, the other on the right. The crossed panels
covered an elaborate ensemble of a tunic or gown (ewu egha) over
trousers (efa), also crafted from panels of local women’s weave in
the pattern known as ṣeghoṣen.

Neither of the textiles here, the blue-striped cloths or the elabo-
rate ṣeghoṣen, are considered “royal,” but each carries deep mean-
ing. The indigo-striped panels are significant to Ọ̀wọ̀ history and to
the textile industry of Ọ̀wọ̀. Similar striped fabrics have been used
over time as uro (wrappers), drapes such as ipanmeta (three-panel
cloths worn as togas) and ugbero (cloths woven to mark the Ero
celebrations marking the retirement of a man from public respon-
sibilities), gele (head tie), and uborun (stole). Historically, almost
all cloths of ritual significance are woven by women. It is the ṣeg-
hoṣen cloth used here for the Olọ́wọ̀’s ewu egha and efa that is the

Babatunde Onibode is President of Mcbod Tradings Nig. Ltd, own-
er of Onibode Farms, and President and Founder of The Babatunde
Onibode Foundation. Traditionalist, culture and history enthusiast,
and promoter of Owo art and culture, he serves as a cultural am-
bassador for his hometown by collecting, preserving, and dissem-
inating historical and cultural information through personal con-
tacts and via the internet. tundeonibode@gmail.com

Robin Poynor is Professor Emeritus at the University of Florida.
His field work in Owo, Nigeria, was fifty years ago, resulting in pub-
lications on naturalism and stylization, burial practices, ancestor
veneration, festival, textiles, masquerade, sculpture, and regalia. He
continues interactions with a new generation in Owo via digital me-
dia, including FaceBook groups, WhatsApp, FaceTime, and email.
rpoynor@ufl.edu

20 | african arts AUTUMN 2023 VOL. 56, NO. 3

focus of this article. The textile has been referred to as senwonsen
by Yoruba researchers not attuned to the Ọ̀wọ̀ (or Ọ̀ghọ̀) language
(Akinwunmi 2005; Asakitikpi 2005; Lamb and Holmes 1980).4
Ṣeghoṣen is the most admired and the most expensive of cloths pro-
duced by women in Ọ̀wọ̀.

Ṣeghoṣen has been esteemed for countless years, and in spite
of the availability of imported fabrics, its value as a cultural icon
continues into the twenty-first century. Over the last half century,
changes in its manufacture and in its use as prestige clothing
have taken place. In the 1970s and earlier, ṣeghoṣen (or any cloth
woven by women) was never cut and tailored. It was used whole
as wrappers, head ties, or stoles by women or wrapped toga-like
by men. Today it is sometimes cut and used as fabric for sewn and
constructed garments, and it has even been used in the construc-
tion of purses, handbags, briefcases, backpacks, and shoes. It is not
just the use of ṣeghoṣen that has expanded, but the visual appear-
ance and process of production have changed as well. A greater
range of color combinations has been introduced, and the manu-
facture of cloth is no longer limited to older Ọ̀wọ̀ women as it was
in the past, since younger women and those of other ethnicities
have been allowed to weave cloths previously considered out of
bounds for young weavers.

While ṣeghoṣen continues to be the textile of choice to indicate
wealth and position, it has also become a symbol of Ọ̀wọ̀ identity
for those in the Ọ̀wọ̀ diaspora, whether they have moved elsewhere
in Nigeria or live abroad. In the process, the name for the cloth has
changed as well—from ṣeghoṣen to keghojo, as will be explained.

THE MEANING OF DRESS
Dress is a means of communication. What one wears and how it
is worn tells others who we are and who we associate with. What
we choose to wear talks about our position among others and how
we relate to them. It communicates something about our view of
the world and how we perceive our own position in the scheme of
things and our place within our community. Justine Cordwell ob-
served, “The most important form of aesthetic expression to the
Yoruba is clothing and its accessories. They have elevated the im-
portance of dress to the point where they laughingly say, ‘We have
always been born clothed’” (Cordwell 1983: 58). The Yoruba have
long worn elaborate dress to proclaim their standing within the
social order. Ruth Boyer observed that what a Yoruba man wears
not only lends visual splendor but is also indicative of social pres-
tige. She notes that a man covered in rich and voluminous handwo-
ven cloth “demonstrates one means of achieving status in a society
known for its emphasis on conspicuous display of economic means”
(Boyer 1983: 42). She observes that the proverb “Greetings on the
spending of money,” eku inawo, reflects the reality in Yoruba society
that a man who has wealth must spend it to gain the admiration of
his fellows (Boyer 1983: 42).

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1 Olọ́wọ̀ Ajibade Gbadegesin Ogunoye III dances
before his people on the day of his coronation. The
traditional coral bead ade (crown), the wrist and
ankle beads, and the brass ape (dancing swords) are
markers of his title. He also wears two three-paneled
blue-and-white striped ipanmeta woven under ritual
proscriptions by women.
Photo: Babatunde Onibode, 2019

The traditional women’s loom consists of vertical

2
posts set in the floor of the veranda. An excavation for
her feet allows her to sit on the floor. Warp threads
are wrapped around the horizontal elements.
Photo: Judy Holmes, courtesy of Venice and Alastair Lamb

These general observations about dress among Yoruba peoples
is especially true in the far eastern portion of Yorubaland where a
similar greeting in the Ọ̀ghọ̀ language, eku unagho, means precisely
the same thing. Individuals with wealth display their prosperity
through attire and especially by displaying a variety of textiles in
that dress. Such conspicuous display is not only appreciated by on-
lookers as appropriate, but it is considered necessary.

Poynor noted that traditional dress and textiles in Ọ̀wọ̀ were “sig-
nificant for their roles as markers of social and political rank, indi-
cators of ritual importance, and as symbols of wealth and prestige”
(Poynor 1980: 47). And it was cloths produced by women that were
required for many rituals and celebratory events.

Rowland Abiodun suggests that significant individuals essentially
perform dress. The saying, “Aṣọ là ńkí a tó ki ènìyàn” (“We greet
Aṣọ before we greet its wearer,”) bears witness to the importance
of dress among the Yoruba. In considering dress, Abiodun asserts
that dress can redefine the spatial architecture of a performance
arena and that dress, performance, and time cannot be separated.
The self, he observes, is transformed and redefined through dress,
which is an essential component of one’s iwa, the essential nature
of a person or thing (Abiodun 2014: 142). Regalia can be considered
important components of the performance of dress, and handheld
ojects discussed here are extensions of dress, thus being greeted by
onlookers as well as greeting them.

WOMEN’S LOOMS
Women have always been the primary weavers in Ọ̀wọ̀, and the
looms used by women are different from those used by male weav-
ers. Moreover, the resulting fabrics are distinct from those crafted

by men. The women’s loom in the past was made of uprights (igi
ofi) planted in the floor of the veranda (Fig. 2). Horizontal beams
(egboro) attached to the tops and at the bottoms of the igi ofi pro-
vided a place for wrapping the warp threads to begin the weaving
process. Three sticks (obiri) made of the midrib of the palm frond
were positioned into a pair of thin ropes looped over the top egboro
and under the lower egboro (Fig. 3a). The warp threads were strung
over the top, through the three obiri to create a number of sheds
through which the shuttle (otu) would pass (Fig. 3b). These ordi-
nary sheds were used for warp patterns. Further sheds could be
created by manipulating asa or additional string heddles that could
be pulled out, as seen in Figure 3b, and these created floating weft
patterns. The vertical looms used by women were simple compared
to the horizontal looms used by male weavers. As she wove, the
weaver in the past sat on the floor of the veranda, her feet some-
times resting in a two-foot diameter hole (known as ukoro) to allow
her to work comfortably on the face of the weaving.5

By the 1970s, the traditional igi ofi consisting of posts and cross
beams was being replaced by carpentered looms (Fig. 4). The new
loom was designed to be moveable. Sturdy legs balanced the verti-
cal structure regardless of the surface on which it was placed. If a
woman moved to another location, she could dismantle the loom
and take it with her to another site. The uprights were constructed
of pairs of timbers drilled with matching holes. The upper egboro
was sandwiched between two boards that comprised each upright
and were held in place by pegs. The upper egboro could thus be
raised or lowered, allowing for different lengths of cloth. Otherwise,
the warping of the thread was no different from that for the older

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looms. To position herself in relation to the loom, the weaver now
sat on a small stool.

loom,” suggesting that men’s weave had only been imported from
the north in the fairly recent past.

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While men’s weave was produced in narrow bands of “infinite”
length that were sewn together to create a larger cloth, textiles pro-
duced by women are broad pieces of two to three feet in breadth
and about 80 inches long. The length is determined by the distance
between the two egboro. As the weaver completes a portion of
the cloth, she pulls the warp threads down so that a portion of the
finished weaving slides under the lower egboro to the back of the
loom, thus keeping the weaving “face” of the cloth at a comfortable
height to work on (Fig. 4).

Women’s weave customarily held a place of value in Ọ̀wọ̀ and
superseded men’s weave in ritual and ceremonial significance
(Poynor 1980: 47). While men’s aṣoke weaving has long been as-
sociated with Yoruba cloth production in northern and western
Yorubaland, in Ọ̀wọ̀ it is the women’s vertical loom and women’s
weave that has traditionally been deemed more important. Local
names are given to the vertical loom and to its parts, while the
horizontal loom associated with men’s strip-weaving, at least in
the 1970s, was referred to as the “Ilorin loom” or the “Kwara State

In the 1970s, few men were employed in weaving, but it was as-
sumed that every woman in Ọ̀wọ̀ was capable of weaving, whether
she practiced it or not. Their looms were visible on the verandas
of many courtyards at the time, and in the early twentieth century
they had abounded. J.A. MacKenzie, the Acting District Officer for
Ondo Province, estimated in his 1928 report that 80% of the women
at that time in Ọ̀wọ̀ were weavers and suggested that the quality of
Ọ̀wọ̀ cloth was exceptional. He surmised that income from the craft
must have been correspondingly high (MacKenzie 1928: 25).

Thus, when the newly crowned Ogunoye III donned the double in-
digo-striped ipanmeta, along with the crown and coral beads, he im-
mediately connected his reign to the illustrious past of the kingdom.
And it was women weavers who made the striped ipanmeta, which
were so noticeable as the new Olọ́wọ̀ danced. Furthermore, when
he removed those cloths for the celebratory activities that followed,
the lustrous ensemble that had been constructed for his coronation
was revealed—the ewu egha (shirt/tunic) and efa (trousers) (Fig. 5).
The neck of the tunic, the ends of the sleeves, and the lower portions
of the trouser legs were trimmed in multicolored appliqued piping
of yellow, green, blue, pink, and purple. However, the element of
the ensemble that would catch the eyes of the citizens of Ọ̀wọ̀, per-
haps unnoticed by other Nigerians, was the shimmering textile on
which those patterns were stitched. The brilliant red ground of the
cloth is enlivened by a geometric surface pattern in bright green.

3a Mrs. Elizabeth Aderogba begins warping her loom. To begin the weaving
process on the upright loom, two ropes are looped over the egboro, the horizontal
bars on the loom. Three sticks (obiri) fixed into the ropes allow the warp threads to
be strung so they create sheds for the basic weft threads.
Photo: Robin Poynor, 1973

3b Warp threads fixed to the top and bottom horizontals of the upright loom are
fixed with permanent wooden heddles as well as with “thread heddles” created for
specific design patterns. Here Elizabeth Aderogba pulls out an asa to create a shed
for passing the otu (shuttle) through.
Photo: Robin Poynor, 1973

4 Carpentered looms introduced in the late twentieth century have replaced the
“post-and-cross piece” type of traditional loom. Mopelola Olawolu (a.k.a. Alege) is
shown weaving the complicated aleghaba cloth with thirty-two string heddles. Her
apprentices work on a pattern modeled after men’s strip weave with floating weft or
openwork designs.
Photo: Robin Poynor, 1973

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Ajibade Gbadegesin Ogunoye, the 32nd Olọ́wọ̀ of Ọ̀wọ̀,

5
poses on his coronation day seated on his throne wearing
tunic and trousers of green on red ṣeghoṣen.
Photo: Lifted Photography, Akure, Nigeria, courtesy of Olọ́wọ̀
Ogunoye III, 2019

6 Olanike Ogunoye, the wife of the newly crowned Olọ́wọ̀
Ogunoye III, wears a polished lace buba with a ṣeghoṣen
head tie and carries a piece of the material for her shawl
during coronation events.
Photo: Lifted Photography, Akure, Nigeria, courtesy of Olanike
Ogunoye, 2019

Olori Olanike Ogunoye, the wife of the new Olọ́wọ̀, also wore the red
and green cloth in the form of an uro (wrapper), gele (head tie), and
uborun (stole) to coordinate with the coronation garb of her hus-
band (Fig. 6). During the time he wore the crossed blue striped ipan-
meta, Olori Olanike had also worn a matching upele (over-wrapper)
of the same pattern of blue-striped fabric.

ṢEGHOṢEN
It is women’s weave, specifically one called ṣeghoṣen (spelled sen-
wonsen elsewhere), that is the topic of this article. Although Poynor’s
1980 article mentions the cloth, little else has been published on its
importance. References by Akinwunmi (2005) and Asakitikpa (2005)
do add to the conversation, especially Akinwunmi’s discussion of
taboo in its production. Lamb and Holmes (1980) briefly mention
the cloth in Nigerian Weaving. Here we examine the deep admira-
tion people of Ọ̀wọ̀ have for the textile, how it alludes to prosperity,
status, and stature in the community, and how it has come to project
a sense of Ọ̀wọ̀ identity.

Many inlaid weft patterns are created by women in Ọ̀wọ̀, each
with a name (Fig. 7). Among these, ṣeghoṣen (the topmost design
on the sampler here) is a specific pattern, and the cloth with the
elaborate design is deemed the most desirable of textiles, more pres-
tigious than imported brocades or “polished lace,” and it is the cloth
that is most closely associated with “tradition” in Ọ̀wọ̀. Although it
is worn by royals and high chiefs, it can be worn for celebratory
occasions by anyone who can afford it. It is given as gifts to those
who leave to live abroad, and it is given as state gifts to officials and
dignitaries from elsewhere.

While ṣeghoṣen is still used in many instances as it was over a
half century ago—as uncut cloths used as wrappers, drapes such

as ipanmeta and ugbero, head ties, over-wrappers, and stoles—in
recent times it has been transformed as tailors and designers have
begun to cut it as fabric for piecing together sewn garments. In at
least a few instances it has been sold to foreign designers to create
modern designs for a clientele far from its place of origin. With the
changes that take place in ṣeghoṣen’s use, it still maintains impor-
tance as an indicator of identities—about position, wealth, taste,
and association or identity with Ọ̀wọ̀.

In 1973, the ground of the cloth was produced with imported
cotton thread in shades of brilliant red or maroon that contrasted
with the bright green wool inlay or weft float. The green on red
combination created a scintillating, shimmering effect that dazzled
the eye of the beholder. Diagonally crossed bands frame lozenge
shapes to give a diamond-within-a-diamond motif. The main pat-
tern of diamonds is normally accompanied by horizontal straight
linear patterns and ṣuga (sugar) or checkerboard patterns on each
end of the cloth. By the 1970s, the red or maroon threads and the
green thread for the floating weft patterns were for the most part
commercially produced cotton, although wool was sometimes used
for the surface design.

The complication of the surface design with multiple secondary
heddles (asa) is one of the reasons for expense in weaving the cloth.
Traditional warp stripes do not require asa. To create an asa, warp
threads are carefully counted and tied in groupings according to the
design to sticks, forming a number of sheds required for the pattern.
One of the main weavers in the 1970s, Mopelola Olawolu, stated that
the ṣeghoṣen design required the use of twelve asa, or secondary
string heddles (Fig. 5). Her daughter, Oluwatoyin (Toyin) Olawolu,
who apprenticed to her mother and additionally studied textile sci-
ence and technology at Government Technical College in Ado-Ekiti
and is now president of the Ọ̀wọ̀ Weavers Guild, assured Poynor

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that she can weave ṣeghoṣen with either nine or seven asa. Variation of the numbers of
asa will produce only slight differences in the pattern.

Some local enthusiasts of Ọ̀wọ̀ culture have stated that in the past it took some 240
hours to produce a piece of the costly ṣeghoṣen. This would have included the soaking
of the cotton yarn in dye for fixing the color, the warping of the loom, the tying of twelve
or so asa required for the design (a very tedious process), and finally, the weaving of the
fabric. Commercial thread has served to lessen the time required to produce a panel of
cloth by bypassing the dyeing process.

STATUS CLOTH

Ṣeghoṣen is recognized in Ọ̀wọ̀ as an “ancient pattern” that was not intended for “just
any small boy.” In fact, the wearer of the cloth is usually a wealthy and highly placed
person who deserves great respect and honor. It was meant to be worn by men and
women of position and status on joyous occasions such as the installation of kings and
chiefs, chieftaincy anniversary celebrations, funeral observations and celebrations,
and marriage, among other social events. Its great cost assured that it would be limited
to those who could afford it. Thus, the pattern has long been associated with position,
wealth, prestige, and noteworthy happenings.

Like many purely prestige cloths in Ọ̀wọ̀, ṣeghoṣen is not associated with any particu-
lar ritual, family, or title but can be worn by anyone who has the means to afford it. Its
costliness is suggested by its name, which was loosely translated as “the cloth that takes
all the money,” “the cloth that depletes the pocket,” or “the cloth that eats the money”
(She—to cause, egho—money, shen—to consume/eat/sink).

RESTRICTIONS AND TABOOS

Into the 1970s, cloth woven by women was carefully controlled through ritual and
taboo.6 Not just anyone could weave ṣeghoṣen. A number of taboos were formerly im-
posed to prevent young girls from weaving it. The aim was to ensure the quality of the
cloth and to maintain a high standard of production. Younger women were believed
to be too impatient to acquire the necessary skills to weave the textile, which takes
even older women years to master. It was feared that younger weavers would rush to
complete the weaving rather than observing the painstaking process involved in its
production and thereby weakening the prestige value given to the cloth.

Previously, further taboos were imposed for the production of any cloths that might
be woven for certain cultural or social festivals and especially for ritual. First, there was
the requirement for the cleanliness of the weaver. She had to be physically, spiritually,
and morally clean, especially if she was creating a cloth for ritual use. Thus, she had to
bathe before starting to weave. She could not be menstruating, and she was prohibited
from having sexual relationships during the time the cloth was being prepared. During
the process, men, and children (especially boys) were not allowed into the room. Only
women who were not menstruating were allowed even to visit the weaver.

The weaving of such cloth usually took between seven and nine days, depending on

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7 A sampler woven by Elizabeth Aderogba
on the completion of her apprenticeship
demonstrates a number of patterns she has
mastered. The topmost pattern is ṣeghoṣen.
The original ṣeghoṣen pattern consisted of a
ground of diagonally crossed lines framing
lozenge shapes to give a diamond-within-a-dia-
mond motif. Collected by Robin Poynor, 1973.
Samuel P. Harn Museum of Art, University of
Florida, Gainesville, Gift of Robin Poynor.
Photo: courtesy of the Samuel P. Harn Museum

8 A man sews three panels of ṣeghoṣen
together to create his ipanmeta (“meta” is
“three” in Yoruba). The multicolored stitching is
called ugba-aghon.
Photo: Robin Poynor, 1973

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The Ọjọmọ of Ujebu- Ọ̀wọ̀ wears a three paneled ipanmeta to

9
celebrate ulabi, the festival of the new kolanut.
Photo: Babatunde Onibode, 2020

10 Each year the ayoyos or ugbama age grade from Uloro quarter
process through town to the Oronshen Grove wearing ipanmeta of
Ọ̀wọ̀ women’s weave on Utegin Day. Leading the group is Adeyeye
Adanigbo Olojuto, whose striped cloth has a band of ikat. Disu
Onilakare lele follows wearing a red and green ṣeghoṣen ipanmeta.
The fourth man, Oluwarotimi Inoren Akogunren, wears ṣeghoṣen of a
slightly different color.
Photo: Adeniyi Olagunju, 2016

the cloth. It was taboo for such ritual cloths to be woven in a room
that had only been swept or cleaned the day before, for the environ-
ment had to be swept and scrubbed daily. During that period, the
weaver was not allowed to eat food prepared the day before. Her
meals had to be prepared fresh each day. Items such as bitter kola,
kola nut, alligator pepper, sugarcane, roasted plantain, smoked fish
and meat, and garden egg (eggplant) were often placed at the weav-
er’s feet, while her female visitors helped themselves to the food
and engaged in singing as the cloth was being woven.

Owners and wearers of ritual cloths were subject to similarly
strict taboos. Whether male or female, they were expected to adhere
strictly to proscriptions that pertain to the use of the cloth. A major
taboo concerning most Ọ̀wọ̀ ritual cloths centered on the cleanli-
ness of the person who intended to wear it. This pertained to bath-
ing but also to avoiding sexual contact with the opposite sex before
and during the wearing of the ritual cloth. For women, menstrua-
tion was regarded as a state of uncleanness and thus menstruating
women were strictly forbidden to wear or even touch a number of
Ọ̀wọ̀ ritual cloths.

CHANGE OVER TIME
T.M. Akinwunmi observes that the taboos associated with the
weaving of ṣeghoṣen have been broken in contemporary times be-
cause of their inherent contradictions. He posits that

the advancing knowledge of the people, the increase in their adher-
ence to Islam and Christian practice, the gradual challenge and ero-
sion of the social roles and power exercised by the traditional chiefs,

undermined the basis for, and the established theories on taboos in
the contemporary times, and consequently they are just anachronistic
(Akinwunmi 2005: 26).

Not only has time relaxed many of the restrictions on weaving and
wearing cloths, but fewer older Ọ̀wọ̀ women weave today than in the
1970s and earlier. Not only have younger women begun to weave
cloths previously reserved for elderly women, but Ebira weavers
from the northeast of Ọ̀wọ̀ and others have moved into town to pro-
duce traditional women’s weave to satisfy the needs of the popula-
tion for the broadcloth produced on the vertical loom. Outsiders,
like the younger women, have begun to disregard established pro-
hibitions and notably engage in weaving high-status textiles. It has
become accessible to sundry users since its production is no longer
limited, and many weavers specialize in its production now.

Not only have younger women and those of other ethnicities
begun to weave the cloths, but ṣeghoṣen is being made in a variety
of colors. Green on red or maroon is still created as in the past, but
red on red, beige on brown, white on navy, pale blue on royal blue,
white on white, white on burnt orange, olive on yellow, lavender on
purple, etc., have been introduced.

Along with changes in production and color combinations comes
a change in appellation. With its cost today, compared to that of other
Ọ̀wọ̀ traditional cloths, ṣeghoṣen has gained the new nickname keg-
hojo (ko—amass/save; egho—money; jo—together), which alludes
to saving money or amassing a fortune rather than depleting it, as
the older name suggests. The term ṣeghoṣen, some say, sounded de-
rogatory, so a new name was applied. It is acknowledged, however,
that even with a new name, it still depletes the pocketbook!

LEADERSHIP USES OF ṢEGHOṢEN
Although ṣeghoṣen is a prestige cloth, it is not necessarily a cloth
woven for ritual use, but it can be used for such purposes. Figure 8
shows a man sewing three panels of ṣeghoṣen together to create an
ipanmeta, using a long needle to stitch the ugba-aghon design.7 The
resulting large, multipaneled cloth was worn tied over the left shoul-
der by older men. For example, when Ọba Kofoworola Olatunbosun
Oladoyinbo Ọjọmọ (who rules as Aruliwo III, the Ọjọmọ of Ijebu-
Ọ̀wọ̀) celebrated the festival for new kolanut (ulabi), when the

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11
Ebenezer Adewunmi Ogunmolasuyi, the Olupenmen of
Upenmen, dressed for his installation wearing a colorful ewu egha
beneath a monochromatic ipanmeta of light green-on-red ṣeghoṣen.
Photo: Abimbola Williams Olaleye, 2020

12a Ọba Omotunde Alaba Ebiyanmi Adako, Iresin II, the Oliyere of
Iyere, celebrates his first anniversary in office wearing an agbada of
ṣeghoṣen.
Photo: courtesy of Oliyere photo album, 2011

12b A more mature Ọba Iresin II poses with his wife for a commer-
cial photographer to celebrate the tenth anniversary of being in
office. They wear ṣeghoṣen accessories with white garments.
Photo: Bomac Studios, 2020

Abegunde Alamuren (fifth). However, Disu Onilakare Lele (second)
and Oluwarotimi Akogunren (fourth), stand out in the group in that
they wear elaborate and costly ṣeghoṣen wraps.

Rulers may choose to wear ṣeghoṣen to mark ritual occasions, as
evidenced by Olọ́wọ̀ Ogunoye III (Fig. 5) and the Ọjọmọ (Fig. 9). In
Upenmen, one of the satellite towns that comprise Ọ̀wọ̀ Kingdom,
Ebenezer Adewunmi Ogunmolasuyi dressed in a robe decorated
with appliqued piping for his installation as Olupenmen (ruler of
the town). Over that chiefly garment he wore a monochrome ip-
anmeta of red-on-red ṣeghoṣen (Fig. 11). The akoko (Newboldia
leavis) leaves indicate the ritual nature of the event in which the
Olupenmen-elect becomes the Olupenmen.

In these examples, ṣeghoṣen has been worn as uncut panels, draped
over the body and tied. One of the technical changes, as mentioned,
is the cutting and tailoring of the textile. As a fabric, it can be used
to construct a variety of garment types. Thus, when Ọba Omotunde
Alaba Ebiyanmi Adako celebrated his one-year anniversary as Iresin
II, the Oliyere (ruler) of Iyere, another satellite town of Ọ̀wọ̀, he wore
an agbada (robe) of green on red ṣeghoṣen (Fig. 12a). Nine years later
he celebrated his tenth anniversary as Oliyere by sitting for a com-
mercial portrait photographer. He and his wife, Omolola Adako, wore
elegant white lace garments, but the traditional red and green ṣeg-
hoṣen was used to construct his fila (cap) and for her stole, providing a
remarkable contrast to the white polished eyelet ensembles (Fig 12b).
The introduction of the wide range of color choices has also broad-
ened the possibilities of dressing to impress with ṣeghoṣen on such
grand occasions. The Ọjọmọ of Ujebu-Ọ̀wọ̀ (pictured wearing an ipan-
meta in Figure 9) wore a much more sumptuous outfit when the men
of his town celebrated their becoming elders in the Ero celebration.
While the men participating in the event would wear three-paneled
ugbero, the Ọjọmọ stood out in an impressive agbada made of brown-
on-yellow ṣeghoṣen, lined in brown and completed with remarkable

ọba prays for his town and sets dates for festivals throughout the
coming year, he wore a traditional ipanmeta of ṣeghoṣen with green
patterning on a red ground (Fig. 9). In this instance, the ipanmeta is
tied on the right shoulder.

These large, multipaneled cloths could also be used for occasions
such as the annual procession of the senior ayoyo or ugbama (age
grade members) of Uloro quarter through Ọ̀wọ̀ to the Oronsen
grove on the day called Utegin toward the end of the Igogo festival
(Fig. 10).8 Their woven drapes tied on the left shoulder distinguish
them from the junior grade of ugbama whose members dress in
aṣo egbe, wearing matching commercially produced fabric. Most of
the hand-woven ipanmeta worn by the senior grade are blue-and-
white striped, like those worn in Figure 10 by the leader Adeyeye
Adanigbo Olojuto (first in line), Osho Eleghobola (third), and Ojo

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13 Ọba Kofoworola Olatunbosun Oladoyinbo
Ọjọmọ, who rules as Aruliwo III, the Ọjọmọ of Ujebu-
Ọ̀wọ̀, dresses in a brown-on-yellow ṣeghoṣen agbada
to celebrate the Ero festival.
Photo: Chief Yekini Adefemi, the Ajana of Ijebu Ọ̀wọ̀,
2019

David Victor Folagbade Olateru-Olagbegi III, the

14
31st Olọ́wọ̀ of Ọ̀wọ̀, was chancellor of University of
Jos. Shown here with his wife, he wears an ensemble
of ewu egha (tunic) and efa (trousers) constructed of
white-on-navy blue ṣeghoṣen under his blue and gold
academic robes. Ololade Adejoke, his wife, wears a
wrapper and head tie of the same prestigious textile.
Photo: courtesy of Ọ̀wọ̀ Kingdom Facebook group, 2018

embroidery that references the lozenge shapes of the ṣeghoṣen
(Fig. 13). The Ọjọmọ, who had retired as a military general before
taking on the duties of ọba, would be aware of the importance of
making a grand appearance.

The 31st Olọ́wọ̀, David Victor Folagbade Olateru-Olagbegi,
Olagbegi III, had been trained in law in London. After serving as
Barrister-at-Law in Nigeria and acting in many roles as attorney for
the government, he taught law. Then, as a reigning ọba, he sequen-
tially served as chancellor of three universities—the University
of Benin, the University of Abuja, and lastly the University of Jos.
In 2018, less than a year before his death, Olọ́wọ̀ Olagbegi III and

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Olori (Queen) Ololade Olateru Olagbegi dressed for a convocation
at the University of Jos. In his academic role, he donned standard
academic regalia, calling attention to his role as chancellor at the
university. He also chose to wear ṣeghoṣen with it (Fig. 14). In se-
lecting an ensemble of ewu egha (tunic) and efa (trousers) created
with white-on-navy ṣeghoṣen, he introduced this most prestigious of
Ọ̀wọ̀ textiles to the Jos campus in central Nigeria. As in the photo of
the Oliyere of Iyere and his wife (Fig. 12b), Olateru-Olagbegi’s wife,
Olori Ololade Adejoke Olateru Olagbegi, wore a wrapper and head
tie to match the ṣeghoṣen worn by the Olọ́wọ̀.

Although the use of ṣeghoṣen is closely associated with Ọ̀wọ̀
Kingdom, which prides itself on the textile, the cloth is woven in a
rather broad area encompassing a larger region than that of Ọ̀wọ̀
and its nine “satellite” communities, but still well within the borders
of what the ancient kingdom would have claimed in its heyday. As
stated, Ebira weavers from north of Ọ̀wọ̀ have moved into Ọ̀wọ̀ to
weave specialty cloths for people of the kingdom. In 1973, Poynor
purchased a piece of ṣeghoṣen in Ifon Kingdom, some 23 miles
south of Ọ̀wọ̀. A number of smaller communities to the north in
Ondo State also use ṣeghoṣen. Iboropa Akoko. a town about 28 miles
north of Ọ̀wọ̀, although located outside the immediate area, would
have been under the sway of the kingdom in its precolonial heyday.9
Tinuade Babalola was named regent of the Iboropa community in

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2015 after the unexpected demise of her father, Ọba Emmanuel
Ayowole Adejuyigbe (Fig. 15). As the youngest female king in
Nigeria and the first female king of Iboropa, she is concerned with
the empowerment of women, actively working on campaigns to
help reduce poverty, domestic violence, and sexual assault against
women (Gesinde 2020). For her Facebook portrait, Regent Babalola
poses on her throne draped in a green-on-beige ṣeghoṣen ipanmeta,
which she ties on her right shoulder (unlike the manner in which
older men usually tie the ipanmeta on the left shoulder). Not only
does she wear the esteemed cloth, but a second large ṣeghoṣen is
used as a drape covering the seat of her throne and the footstool.

Ṣeghoṣen may also serve as a gift of distinction for dignitaries
from outside of Ọ̀wọ̀. When the Honorable Yakubu Dogara, who
was 14th Speaker of the House of Representatives of Nigeria, vis-
ited Ọ̀wọ̀ in 2016 for the 4th Convocation and Award ceremony at
Achievers University, Olọ́wọ̀ Olagbegi III presented an ipanmeta of
red and green ṣeghoṣen to him (Fig. 16). On the same occasion, the
Honorable Femi Gbajabiamila, the minority leader of the House
of Representatives, was awarded a blue striped ipanmeta. Since
Dogara ranked higher in the government, he received the pre-
ferred ṣeghoṣen, while the less highly ranked luminary was given
the striped cloth, still an admirable award. In February 2017, a pic-
ture on the website Photo Story shows Barrister Kola Olawoye, the
leader of a delegation from the Olọ́wọ̀ of Ọ̀wọ̀, bestowing ṣeghoṣen
on Imo State Governor Rochas Okorocha when the delegation vis-
ited Owerri (Fig. 17).

SOCIAL USES OF ṢEGHOṢEN: AṢO EBI
The celebrated textile is by no means limited to rulers and digni-
taries. Any individual with means can use ṣeghoṣen for any festive
occasion. It is especially popular for funerals, memorial celebra-
tions, birthday celebrations, and weddings. Any of these may call
for luxurious dress, and if the family has the means, everyone will
dress alike. The practice of aṣo ebi (family cloth) has long been asso-
ciated with Yoruba communities. Okechukwu Nwafor explains that
the meaning of aṣo ebi

15 Regent Tinuade Babalola states that she is the youngest female
king in Nigeria and the first female king of Iboropa Akoko, Ondo
State. Not only does she wear a green-on-beige ṣeghoṣen ipanmeta,
but ṣeghoṣen covers the seat of her throne and the footstool.
Photo: Action Photograpy, courtesy of Regent Tinuade Babalola, 2020

16 Olọ́wọ̀ Olagbegi III presented a ṣeghoṣen ipanmeta to the to the
Honorable Yakubu Dogara, then the Nigerian Speaker of the House.
On the same occasion, he gave a traditional, blue-striped cloth to
the Honorable Femi Gbajabiamila, the Minority Leader of the House
of Representatives.
Photo: courtesy of the Ọ̀wọ̀ Kingdom Group, 2016

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SOCIAL USES OF ṢEGHOṢEN: BURIALS
In his discussion of aṣo ebi, Nwafor observes that, according to
some, aṣo ebi actually began as a funeral uniform. Anyone seen in the
common dress of the group would be identified at once as a member
of the deceased’s family (Nwafor 2011: 43). Such elaborate garments
shared by all the celebrants in honor of the deceased also “symbol-
ically distinguish[ed] the elite from the poor, the person of higher
from those of lower rank or accomplishments”(Nwafor 2011: 107).

What better way for a family of means to celebrate their loved
one than using the most elaborate and expensive local cloth for
aṣo ebi? In November 2020, the Ogunmolawa family celebrated the
life of ninety-five-year-old Mrs. Ibijola Dorcas Ogunmolawa. Over
several days of services and celebrations, the family and friends
dressed in aṣo ebi. For delivering the casket to the home in prepa-
ration for the wake, they dressed in indigo-striped women’s weave
over white lace. White lace with orange accessories was the theme
for the Christian wake at the family home. For the funeral at St.
Andrews Cathedral Church and the subsequent reception at Imade
College, they donned green-on-yellow ṣeghoṣen for the funeral (Fig.
18). Wearing aṣo ebi on these numerous occasions over several days
provided a sense of family commitment and solidarity as the chil-
dren, family, and friends laid their loving mother to rest and cele-
brated her long life.

In his study of aṣo ebi in Lagos, Nwafor has pointed out that

By the early 1990s, wealthy Lagosians had started, more magnani-
mously, to patronize photographers … Events such as title-taking, wed-
ding ceremonies, child christening, funerals, birthday parties, memorial
ceremonies, hometown anniversaries, political rally campaigns, among
others were attracting more photographic patronage than in previous
years (Nwafor 2011: 206).

is transcended in common usage where it simply means uniforms worn
by a group of family members or friends as a solidarity dress to a social
ceremony such as wedding, party, funeral, among others. However,
those who normally dress in the aṣo ebi uniforms are also friends, family
members, or well-wishers of the celebrants’ friends (Nwafor 2011: ii).

The same is true for Ọ̀wọ̀. For the occasion of the several events
celebrating the burial of Mrs. Ogunmolawa, the family arranged
for Banky Photography of neighboring Akure to record the various
services and thus document the matching clothing worn at each.10

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17 Barrister Kola Olawoye, representing Olọ́wọ̀
Olagbegi III, bestows white-on-peach ṣeghoṣen on
Imo State Governor Rochas Okorocha in Owerri. 2017.
Photo:

18 The family of Mrs. Ibijola Dorcas Ogunmolawa
gathers for the funeral service for their mother wear-
ing garments featuring green-on-yellow ṣeghoṣen.
Photo: Banky Photography, courtesy of Olugbenga
Olumolawa, 2020

Cloth played a major role. The home of
the deceased was decorated with yards
and yards of fabric swag along ceilings. The
Ajabure ceremony, in which members of the
family and friends dance joyfully through
the streets of Ọ̀wọ̀, celebrated the fame and
long life of their mother, grandmother, and
great grandmother. Younger members of
the family wore polo shirts and tee shirts
made to honor their grandmother, her
image imposed in a circular design on the
front. When the body of Chief Famolagun
was picked up from St. Davids Hospital on
Friday to be taken with great pomp in a horse-drawn carriage and
accompanied by a brass band, great numbers of family and friends
wore green-on-red ṣeghoṣen (Fig. 19). During the Christian wake, the
daughters of the High Chief changed into blue lace dresses over which
woven indigo and white aṣigbo sashes (a traditional ritual funerary
cloth reserved for specific families) were worn. On the seventh day of
celebrating the iconic chief, the family and friends gathered at New
Church Cathedral for the memorial church service, where the family
wore still another type of local cloth—ilaari.

SOCIAL USES OF ṢEGHOṢEN: WEDDINGS
Yoruba weddings have always required special uses of cloth.
Today, marriage celebrations provide opportunities to claim con-
nection to Ọ̀wọ̀ roots through dress as many couples today choose
to wear coordinated outfits in traditional styles, agbada and fila for
the groom, gele and uborun for the bride. Often, they opt for the ele-
gance of ṣeghoṣen for official wedding portraiture and for exchang-
ing vows. A case in point is the wedding of Oluwatoyin Nihinlolu
Ijadimbola Akinnagbe, who hails from Ọ̀wọ̀. When she married

Newspapers and magazines have long served as a means for such
photographs to be shared with a broader audience, calling atten-
tion to the celebration of the deceased and the status of the family
while at the same time proclaiming the style and fashion of the
family (Lawuyi 1991).

While newspapers, magazines, and posters continue to be used to
herald such events, platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter,
and other social media serve as further means for sharing the pho-
tographs of the celebrations and to allow the family to communicate
quickly and easily, showing the opulence of the event. At the same
time viewers of such posts can relay their condolences and own
memories of the deceased as well as express appreciation for the
beauty of the services and the extravagance of the exquisite aṣo ebi.
Multiple posts of photographs and videos on Facebook each day
alerted viewers to the stages of celebrating the life of High Chief
Fehintola Famolagun, the Obajere-uwa of Ugboroko, Ọ̀wọ̀ Kingdom.
When her own father passed in the mid-twentieth century,
Fehintola Famolagun petitioned the Olọ́wọ̀ to allow her to assume
the chieftaincy title her father had held.
When her request was granted, for decades
she donned chiefly dress as the only female
chief in the kingdom, performing before
the king, wearing agokun and orufanran
garb according to the occasion, dancing
as a High Chief in the court of the Olọ́wọ̀,
tossing her dance sword spinning into the
air and catching it.

Having attained the age of 100 when she
died in April 2021, High Chief Famolagun’s
family wanted to honor her with a signifi-
cant week of observances. A full seven days
of cultural awareness programs, free medi-
cal checkups for visitors, lectures and sym-
posiums, a documentary film, musical per-
formances by popular musicians, the pre-
sentation of a drama, and numerous other
activities not only kept guests entertained
but reminded everyone of the remarkable
life and achievements of the first female
High Chief, who was referred to as an “icon”
in all materials advertising the events.

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SOCIAL USES OF ṢEGHOṢEN: BIRTHDAYS
Birthday anniversaries have often called for special dress in
Yoruba country. On occasion, significant birthdays are celebrated
with aṣo ebi, as well-wishers “dress in” to demonstrate support.
Celebrants commission photographs by professionals to docu-
ment the occasion. For her fiftieth birthday anniversary, Debbie
Kunbi Oyeneye, president and CEO of the upscale Country Kitchen
+ Events business, posed for an official birthday photograph by
Top Three Photography (Fig. 21a). Her white, dry-polished-lace
outfit of uro and buba is accentuated by an uborun and gele of
red and green ṣeghoṣen.

While such solemn occasions call for more conventional de-
meanor and ways of dressing, more informal occasions, especially
in the digital age, seem to beg for more casual approaches of pre-
senting oneself. The young woman in Figure 21b poses in a relaxed
yet animated pose, smiling as she shows off her wrapper of dark
green-on-red ṣeghoṣen. Like Debbie Kunbi Oyeneye in Figure 21a,
Olayinka Oladimeji Ogunleye, whose father was chief of staff to
Olọ́wọ̀ Olagbegi III, commissioned the photograph to celebrate her
birthday in 2019. Perhaps her pose is carefully planned to position
the body in a more contemporary way, disregarding the previous
generation’s formal postures required for portraiture. Compared

Omolayo Samuel Akinnagbe, she looked to her hometown traditions
and chose matching garments of ṣeghoṣen for the wedding photo-
graph taken by Savvy Photography (Fig. 20). In the photograph,
the bride wears a dress of ṣeghoṣen with pale blue weft pattern on
a royal blue ground. Her head tie and stole are of the same. The
groom wears a fila (cap) and flowing agbada constructed from the
same royal blue ṣeghoṣen.

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19 The body of High Chief Fehintola Famolagun,
the Obajere-uwa of Ọ̀wọ̀ Kingdom, is taken to her
home for the Christian wake. Her daughters and
others wore green-on-red ṣeghoṣen for the occasion.
Morenike Ogunseitan, shown here, joins the proces-
sion for the delivery of her mother’s coffin wearing
ṣeghoṣen headtie and wrapper. The brilliance of the
cloth can be seen on the shoulder of a family friend in
the foreground. A piece of the textile was draped over
the casket as well.
Photo: courtesy of Morenike Ogunseitan.

20 Matching ṣeghoṣen finery is worn to mark the
wedding of Oluwatoyin Nihinlolu Ijadimbola from
Ọ̀wọ̀ to Omolayo Samuel Akinnagbe.
Photo: Savvy Photography, 2018.

21a President/CEO at CountryKitchen + Events Debbie
Kunbi Oyeneye poses for an official photograph to
celebrate her fiftieth birthday anniversary. Her white
dry polished lace outfit of uro and buba is accentuated
by a stole and head tie of green-on-red ṣeghoṣen.
Photo: Top Three Photography, courtesy of Debbie Kunbi
Oyeneye, 2020

21b Olayinka Oladimeji Ogunleye, daughter of chief
Olusola Ogunleye, the Olubola of Ọ̀wọ̀ (chief of staff)
to Olọ́wọ̀ Olagbegi III strikes a casual pose. She wears
a ṣeghoṣen wrapper and head tie of dark green-on-red
to celebrate her birthday anniversary.
Photo: Perfection Photography, Akure, courtesy of
Olayinka Ogunleye, 2020

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22 Ololade Adejoke Olateru Olagbegi, the wife of the 31st
Olọ́wọ̀ and Chancellor of the University of Jos, wears a
wrapper and head tie of ṣeghoṣen with beige weft patterns
on a brown ground at a university function.
Photo: courtesy of Ọ̀wọ̀ Kingdom Facebook group, 2015

23 A wedding ensemble for bride and groom consists of
green-on-silver ṣeghoṣen. The textiles were woven by Toyin
Olawolu, president of the Ọ̀wọ̀ Weavers.
Photo: courtesy of Toyin Olawolu, 2020

to the pose assumed by her ọba’s wife in Figure 22, Ms. Ogunleye
seems very spontaneous. She wears a wrapper rather than a dress
(although she does not wear the traditional buba), and the uro is
positioned high under her arms.

SOCIAL USES OF ṢEGHOṢEN: AGE DIFFERENCE
Those in Ms. Oyeneye’s and Ms. Ogunleye’s generation of busi-
nesspeople in Ọ̀wọ̀ are very social-media conscious. Perhaps, ṣeg-
hoṣen has taken on new significance in the digital age as both a sig-
nifier of Ọ̀wọ̀ identity and an indicator of elite status and prestige
online. Such photographs are used on social media outlets and sent
by email. Regent Babalola (Fig. 15) has a Facebook page. Ogunoye III
(Figs. 1, 5) has both Twitter and Instagram accounts. He and his wife
(Fig. 6) have individual Facebook pages. And the “Owo Kingdom”
Facebook page has over 36,000 members. Birthday pictures such
as those in Figure 21 receive numerous comments and are shared
by many on Facebook.

Mature women of position often wear ṣeghoṣen as a traditional
wrapper with a lace buba. Olori (Queen) Ololade Adejoke Olateru
Olagbegi (see also Fig. 14) wore a wrapper and head tie of ṣeghoṣen

with beige weft patterns on a brown ground, harmonized with a
beige eyelet lace buba (Fig. 22). Even the pose she takes on such an
occasion is different from that of a younger web-savvy woman such
as Ms. Ogunleye (Fig.21b). The event was the investiture of her hus-
band, Olọ́wọ̀ Olagbegi III, as the chancellor of the University of Jos
and the conferment of the degree of Doctor of Laws, Honoris Causa,
“for his remarkable contribution to peace, stability, excellence, and
service to humanity and legal education in Nigeria.” The occasion
coincided with the fortieth anniversary of the university. As in the
2018 occasion depicted in Figure 14, Olori Olateru-Olagbegi’s outfit
was coordinated with that which her husband wore beneath his aca-
demic robes. Although she was photographed in a somewhat candid
shot in the audience as she observed the event in Jos, her demeanor
is that which would be expected of a mature woman of her status.

CHANGE: CUTTING AND TAILORING
In the past, men’s weave (aṣoke) could be cut and tailored, but it
was the exception to cut cloth woven by women. It was normally
worn as the three-panel ipanmeta or ugbero by men or as a two-pan-
eled wrapper or stole or the single panel head tie by women. Today,
imaginative designers and tailors cut the fabric to create stylish
garments. Men commission tailors to produce fashionable agbadas
(Figs. 12a, 13, 20, 23) or as ensembles of tunic and trousers (Figs. 1, 5,
14). Women commission dresses of the fabric (Figs. 20, 23). This sug-
gests a renewed appreciation for the textile as an Ọ̀wọ̀ tradition but
also demonstrates the desire for it to be more “wearable” in a con-
temporary context, thus blending ideas of modernity and tradition.
Oluwatoyin Ibilola (Toyin) Olawolu is a master weaver and a
major provider for traditional cloths to satisfy the needs for ritual

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24 Toyin Olawolu has woven ṣeghoṣen for a tailored
agbada (men’s robe) of pale blue pattern on royal blue
ground.
Photo: courtesy of Toyin Olawolu, 2020

25 Toyin Olawolu provides textiles to the contem-
porary British Brand, Karen Gold, which presents itself
as “Ready to wear and Bespoke tailoring; Ethically
Made in London.” Karen Gold tailors used portions of
traditional ṣeghoṣen panels to construct the blue and
black bomber jacket.
Photo: courtesy of Toyin Olawolu, 2020

26 Bags and shoes made of traditional Ọ̀wọ̀ textiles
allow those who live elsewhere to show off the beauty
of Ọ̀wọ̀ cloth and maintain a sense of connection with
their hometown.
Photo: courtesy of Babatunde Onibode, 2021

Toyin learned weaving from her mother but then studied Textile
Science & Technology at Government Technical College Ado Ekiti.
She is president of the Ọ̀wọ̀ Weavers, and her products are highly
prized. The ṣeghoṣen she wove to be tailored into an agbada (Fig. 24)
has a pale blue weft pattern against a royal blue ground. The tailor
to whom the cloth was taken for sewing pieced the robe together
with several panels of the costly material. A single piece can be seen
comprising the central front and back, while other panels are used
for the “sleeves.” After the tailor completed constructing the agbada,
it was turned over to the embroiderer, who matched the color of the
embroidery yarn to the royal blue of the ground of the ṣeghoṣen.

CHANGE: BEYOND Ọ̀WỌ̀
Toyin sells her products not only locally but abroad as well, and
not just to those with Ọ̀wọ̀ connections. She has provided textiles
to the contemporary British brand, Karen Gold, which presents
itself as “Ready to wear and Bespoke tailoring; Ethically Made in
London.” In one advertisement, the company touted “Something
for the guys. This handloomed bomber jacket is handwoven from
the inimitable #asooke fabric made from cotton by local artisans in
Nigeria. As a result of our sustainable practice, Karen Gold awak-
ens Africa’s authenticity and power through Africa’s women and

use as well as for dress in Ọ̀wọ̀. She wove the ṣeghoṣen for wed-
ding ensembles (Fig. 23) using pale green weft on a ground of pale
silver. After Toyin wove the cloth, her clients negotiated with tailors
and embroiderers to complete the work. The tailor who created the
groom’s agbada was able to match the silvery tone of the ground
for selecting the lining of the robe. Many seek Toyin’s cloth and
then hire tailors to construct traditional garments as well as more
contemporary outfits.

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youth.” In another iteration of that jacket, Karen Gold tailors used
portions of traditional ṣeghoṣen panels provided by Toyin to con-
struct a beautiful blue and black jacket (Fig. 25). The precisely tai-
lored garment introduces an entirely new use for Ọ̀wọ̀ traditional
cloth. Like the newer outfits created of ṣeghoṣen in Ọ̀wọ̀ today, it too
proclaims prestige, beauty, quality, wealth, and elegance.

Babatunde Onibode has the same idea in mind when he com-
missions stylish bags, purses, briefcases, backpacks, and shoes
from ṣeghoṣen and other recognizable women’s weave patterns
(Fig. 26). He takes his materials to Mr. Abidemi Obijade Ola Jesu, an
Ọ̀wọ̀ maker of shoes and bags, who creates the patterns and makes
the objects using Ọ̀wọ̀-created fabrics. Onibode’s reasoning is that

individuals from Ọ̀wọ̀ who travel outside Nigeria to other points
on the continent, and especially those who go to North America or
Europe, should carry with them quality products that will speak to
others of beauty, quality, and elegance and that will simultaneously
remind their owners of their hometown, Ọ̀wọ̀.

Karen Gold’s slogan is “Updating the classics for a timeless ward-
robe.” Those words could easily apply to the production and use
of ṣeghoṣen over the past several decades in Ọ̀wọ̀. The pattern of
ṣeghoṣen is maintained as a time-honored symbol of luxury, so-
phistication, and affluence, but the ways in which it is produced
and worn are “updated.” It is the classic cloth of Ọ̀wọ̀, but it is
contemporary as dress.

Notes
We thank those who looked at drafts of this
article, especially Joanne Eicher, and the anony-
mous peer reviewers, all of whom made excellent
recommendations.
1 Ọ̀wọ̀ Kingdom was believed to have been “the
largest, most influential and enduring kingdom
in the whole of Eastern Yorubaland before the
nineteenth century,” according to historian Oladipo
Joseph Olugbadehan. Since the colonial period, it
consists of the City of Ọ̀wọ̀ and nine “satellite towns”
over which the Olọ́wọ̀ (the title of the king) of Ọ̀wọ̀
wields administrative power. When Poynor was
carrying out research in 1973, Ajibade Gbadegesin
Ogunoye’s father was the reigning Olọ́wọ, and sat
on the throne from 1968 to 1993. Before Ajibade
Gbadegesin Ogunoye became ọba, he was educated
at the Ọ̀wọ̀ Government Primary School and Ọ̀wọ̀
High School and finished his secondary education
in Ibadan. His postsecondary education included
the Honors BA in Religious Studies at Ondo State
University, Ado Ekiti (now Ekiti State University).
At Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba Akoko,
Ondo State, he earned the LLB with honors, and the
Master of Public Administration Degree (MPA). He
completed the BL at the Nigerian Law School at the
Abuja Campus and was called to the Nigerian Bar as
Solicitor and Barrister of the Supreme Court of Nige-
ria. He was subsequently appointed Administrative
Officer by the Ondo State Government in 2001 and
has served in the management of various Ministries/
Departments/Agencies of Government (Resume of
Olọ́wọ̀ Ajibade Gbadegesin Ogunoye III, Facebook,
Owo Kingdom. Tuesday, July 16, 2019).
2
on the Olọ́wọ̀’s Instagram account: https://www.
instagram.com/olowoofowoogunoyeiii/?hl=en .
3
auspicious occasions. It is made of three large panels
sewn together edge to edge, thus its name, meaning
“three cloth panels.” The approximately 6′ x 12′
cloths are normally worn tied at the left shoulder,
leaving the right shoulder bare.
The Ọ̀wọ̀ language, Ọ̀ghọ̀, is significantly differ-
4
ent from other Yoruba languages. For example, the
“w” sound given to the name of the kingdom and city
has been accepted, but Ọ̀wọ̀ people do not use the
“w”. The sound is a related “gh”. Most of the words
that begin with an “I” in Yoruba use the “u” in Ọ̀ghọ̀.
For example, the word iro is used in other variations

Photographs of the series of events can be seen

The ipanmeta is a large drape worn by men on

of Yoruba. The “i” is often replaced in Ọ̀wọ̀ Yoruba
(Ọ̀ghọ̀) with a “u”. This is especially apparent in
place names like Uloro, Ulale, and Ugboroko, quarter
names in Ọ̀wọ̀, which may be spelled in Yoruba as
Iloro, Ilale, and Igboroko. Other towns considered
“satellite towns” of Ọ̀wọ̀ include Ulale-uli, Udasen,
Upenmen, Usuada, Uso, Upele, and Emure–Uli which
may be named on maps as Ilale-Ile Idasen, Ipenmen,
Isuada, Iso, Ipele, and Emure-Ile. The cloth addressed
in this article is ṣeghoṣen, spelled by Yoruba scholars
as senwosen. In this article we will use Ọ̀wọ̀ spellings.
5
Information on looms were provided to Poynor
during interviews with Mopelola Olawolu and Eliza-
beth Aderogbe during field work in 1973. Subsequent
information has been supplied by Toyin Olawolu.
Venice Lamb and Judy Holmes (1980) discuss Nige-
rian looms at length in Nigerian Weaving. Poynor’s
initial research was supported by a Fulbright Hays
Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship.
6 Akinwunmi analyzes the taboos associated with
the weaving of asigbo, girijo, ugbero, and ṣeghoṣen
in his 2005 article on taboos and the control of social
roles in the creation of Ọ̀wọ̀ ritual textiles.
7 Ugba-aghon literally means “tortoise shell.”
Some suggest that earlier iterations of the design cre-
ated by the stitches suggested four legs protruding
from a shell. Now each color section can be seen as
an abstraction with two projections on each side of
the color section.
8
Igogo is the most important annual festival in
Ọ̀wọ̀. It commemorates Oronsen, the wife of Renren-
genjen, a fourteenth century Olọ́wọ̀. During the sev-
enteen days of its celebration, no headgear may be
worn, and no drums can be sounded. Each day the
ugbama grade of Uloro quarter, the ones descended
from those who accompanied the first Olọ́wọ̀ from
Ile-Ife on the journey to the present site, parade and
perform the rituals required for the festival. The
junior-grade members wear commercial cloth made
in Nigeria, some with wrappers of women’s weave
over their trousers.
9
Settlements in the areas of Akoko, southern
Ekiti, parts of Afenmai (in Edo state) , and Iyagba (in
present day Kogi state) once had to pay yearly tribute
to Ọ̀wọ̀ (see Olugbadehan 1999).
10 Photographers have long abounded in Yorub-
aland. In the 1970s local photographers worked in
their darkrooms, producing only black-and-white
images. Today digital color abounds, and the num-
bers of professional photographers have multiplied.

In this article alone, dress and prestigious events are
documented by the following photographic enter-
prises in Ondo State: Bomac Studios, Lifted Photog-
raphy, Action Photography, Savvy Photography, Top
Three Photography, Perfection Photography, Infinix,
and Banky Photography. Most of these photography
studios mark their work with noticeable logos.

References cited
Abiodun, R. 2014. “We Greet Aṣọ before We
Greet Its Wearer.” In Yoruba Art and Language:
Seeking the African in African Art (pp. 142–77).
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CBO9781107239074.008

Akinwunmi, T.M. 2005 “Taboos and the Control of
Social Roles and Quality of Owo Ritual Textiles.” Lagos
Notes and Records 11: 28–43.

Asakitikpi, Aretha. 2005. “Owo Women’s Religious
Textiles.” In E. Renne and B. Agbaje-Williams (eds.),
Yoruba Religious Textiles, pp. 71–88. Ibadan: Book
Builders.

Boyer. Ruth M. 1983. “Yoruba Cloths with Regal
Names.” African Arts 16 (2): 42–45, 98.

Cordwell, Justine, 1983. “The Art and Aesthetics of the
Yoruba.” African Arts 16 (2): 56–59, 93–94, 100.

Gesinde, Tayo. 2020. “I Never Got To Do Most Of
The Things People Of My Age Did—HRH Tinuade
Adejuyigbe.” Tribune Online, April 22. https://
tribuneonlineng.com/i-never-got-to-do-most-of-the-
things-people-of-my-age-did-hrh-tinuade-adejuyigbe/

Lamb, Venice, and Judy Holmes. 1980. Nigerian
Weaving. Hertingfordbury: Roxbury, UK.

Lawuyi, Olatunde Bayo. 1991. “The Social Marketing
of Elites: The Advertised Self in Obituaries and
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Mackenzie, J.A. 1928. Acting District Officer, Owo
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Nwafor, Okechukwu Charles. 2011. Photography and
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Poynor, Robin. 1980. “Traditional Textiles in Owo,
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