Julia Annas
Happiness as achievement
Ten years ago, shortly after publishing
a book called The Morality of Happiness
about the structure of ancient ethical
theory, I received an email informing me
that I had been added to a bibliography
of “happiness researchers” on a website
called the World Database of Happiness.
I explored this site with interest, only to
½nd that this was not a research program
that I felt myself to be part of.
The website assumes, without discus-
sion, that happiness is “subjective,” that
it is enjoyment or pleasure, and that it
should be studied “empirically.” Philos-
ophy is then derided for failing to “oper-
ationalize” happiness and to produce
“measures” of it. (Philosophy has a mea-
ger 88 entries in the bibliography, com-
pared to 2,927 for the social sciences.)
Empirical studies are lauded for their
measures of happiness, while the web-
site claims that “preliminary questions
Julia Annas, a Fellow of the American Academy
since 1992, is Regents Professor of Philosophy at
the University of Arizona. She is the author of
numerous articles and of eight books on ancient
philosophy and ethics, including “The Morality
of Happiness” (1993) and “Platonic Ethics, Old
and New” (1999). She is writing a book on virtue
ethics.
© 2004 by the American Academy of Arts
& Sciences
about conceptualization and measure-
ment are now fairly well solved.”
The website, however, gives off a def-
inite air of disappointment. No sound
body of knowledge on happiness, it ad-
mits, has yet been achieved. In the pres-
ent state of research, we can claim only
that “there are obviously several univer-
sal requirements for a happy life (such
as food and possibly meaning).”
Philosophers (and some psychologists,
too) will ½nd it unsurprising that if you
rush to look for empirical measures of an
unanalyzed ‘subjective’ phenomenon,
the result will be confusion and banali-
ty.1 After all, what is it that the social sci-
entists on the World Database of Happi-
ness are actually measuring? Here is the
heart of the problem. Is happiness really
something subjective? Is it simply a mat-
ter of pleasure, a positive feeling? We
can at least hope that it is not, and that
we can come to conclusions better than
the claim that what anyone needs to be
happy is food and possibly meaning.
1 For an amusing example, see
“scientists” claim to have solved “one of the
greatest mysteries plaguing mankind” by actu-
ally giving us a mathematical formula: P + (5 x
E) + (3 x H) = happiness, where P = personal
characteristics, E = existence, and H = higher-
order needs. You compute your formula by
answering four questions.
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For many years I have taught, dis-
cussed, and written on ancient ethical
theories, whose basic concepts are those
of happiness and virtue. During this
time, philosophical interest in these the-
ories has grown rapidly and has in turn
produced a crop of modern ‘virtue eth-
ics’ theories, a fair number of which are
eudaimonist–that is, theories which
take happiness and virtue to be basic
concepts. Philosophers are now taking
virtue and happiness more seriously
than they had for some time, and realiz-
ing the importance of clarifying and
deepening our understanding of these
before rushing into empirical studies.
(Judging by recent publications, this
concern is shared in some areas of psy-
chology.)
As a result, one of the best places to
seek understanding of happiness is the
study of ancient ethical theories and of
those modern theories which share their
eudaimonist concerns. For these recog-
nize, and build on, some of our thoughts
about happiness that have become over-
whelmed by the kind of consideration
that emerges in the claim that happiness
is obviously subjective. Given the sys-
tematically disappointing results of the
database approach, it is time to look seri-
ously at our alternatives.
When it is asked what happiness is, a
½rst answer may well be that it is some
kind of feeling. Being happy is easily tak-
en to be feeling happy–as when I wake
up in the morning–a kind of smiley-face
feeling. This line of thought takes us rap-
idly to the idea that I can be happy doing
any old thing. Some people feel happy
when helping old ladies across streets;
others feel happy when torturing pup-
pies: happiness comes down to whatever
you happen to like.
But this line of thought cannot stay up
for long. It is immediately obvious that
when we talk about feelings we are talk-
ing about episodes; I wake up feeling hap-
py but am depressed by the time I get to
work, never mind lunchtime. Getting a
smiley-face feeling from good deeds or
bad deeds lasts only as long as the deeds
do. And this kind of happiness does not
matter to us all that much once we start
to think in a serious way about our lives.
As we bring up our children, what we
aim for is not that they have episodes of
smiley-face feeling, but that their lives
go well as wholes: we come to think of
happiness as the way a life as a whole
goes well, and see that episodes of hap-
piness are not what we build our lives
around.
This point can produce a variety of
responses. One is to say that when we
are thinking of our lives as wholes, we
should think in terms of flourishing or
welfare or well-being rather than happi-
ness. These terms may be useful in some
circumstances to avoid misunderstand-
ing, but we should not yield talk of hap-
piness without further discussion to its
most trivial contexts of use. In my expe-
rience, discussion rapidly reveals that we
do talk about happiness over our lives as
wholes, or at least over long stretches of
them. We should not, then, restrict talk
of happiness at the start to contexts of
short-term feeling.
The point that these are the contexts
which ½rst occur to many people when
they are asked about happiness indicates
that our notion of happiness has indeed
been affected by the notion of smiley
faces, feeling good, and pleasant epi-
sodes. Doubtless this is the source of
some of the empirical researcher’s prob-
lems in trying to measure it. For if we
try to measure the happiness of lives in
terms of smiley-face feelings, the results
will be grotesque. I have seen a survey
that asks people to measure the happi-
ness of their lives by assigning it a face
Happiness
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Dædalus Spring 2004
45
Julia Annas
on
happiness
from a spectrum with a very smiley face
at one end and a very frowny face at the
other. Suppose that you have just won
the Nobel Prize; this surely merits the
smiliest face. But suppose also that you
have just lost your family in a car crash;
this surely warrants the frowniest face.
So, how happy are you? There is no co-
herent answer–unless you are supposed
to combine these points by picking the
indifferent face in the middle!
So, even if episodes ½rst come to mind,
we do think, centrally, of living happy
lives. And this is because we think of our
lives as wholes when we are thinking of
how to live, what kind of people we are
to aspire to be.
At this point, another characteristical-
ly modern, and more reasonable sound-
ing, idea tends to come in. Surely having
a happy life has something to do with
getting what you want, rather than being
frustrated and deprived of what you
want? We all have desires; the happy
person will be the person whose desires
are ful½lled. The philosopher’s term for
this is the ‘desire-satisfaction’ account,
which appeals to more thoughtful ideas
about happiness than our initial ones.
Why wouldn’t a happy life be one of
getting what you want? People, after all,
can live happy lives in many different
ways. We feel that there is something
wrong in trying to build any particular
content into our notion of happiness
such that only people living certain
kinds of life could be happy. The idea
that happiness is desire-satisfaction
seems suitably neutral on the content
of happy lives, allowing happiness to the
intellectual and the incurious alike as
long as they are getting what they desire.
It is possible to think of happiness as
desire-satisfaction if we are prepared to
think of happiness–in the spirit of the
suggestion that it is subjective–as some-
thing on which each of us is the authori-
ty. I am happy if I think I am, since I am
getting what I want. For who could be a
better authority than I am on the issue of
whether I am getting what I want? Per-
haps the idea that happiness is desire-
satisfaction does justice to the initial
thought that it is something subjective
–without the obvious problems of the
smiley-face-feeling interpretation.
Why might we be dissatis½ed with
this result? We would have to hold that
anyone getting what he or she wants is
happy, whatever the nature of the desire.
Happiness would thus lose any purchase
as an idea that could serve to rank or
judge lives; Nelson Mandela, Bill
Gates, and Madonna, if they are all get-
ting what they want, are all happy, so
any comparative judgments about their
lives cannot involve the idea of happi-
ness. We might accept this, thinking that
there must be something else about lives
which can be compared–perhaps well-
being or some other kind of value on
which the agent is not necessarily the
best authority.
One thing the desire-satisfaction ac-
count disables us from doing is making
judgments about the happiness of people
whose desires are in obvious ways defec-
tive. Notoriously, some desires are based
on radically faulty information or rea-
soning. Some desires are unresponsive
to the agent’s reasoning powers because
of the force of addiction or obsession.
At a deeper level, some desires are
themselves deformed by social pres-
sures. Girls who desire less for them-
selves than for their brothers, poor peo-
ple who see desire for self-betterment
as unimaginable–these are just two of
many kinds of desires that are open to
criticism, despite being honestly ex-
pressed and open to modi½cation in the
light of reason and information, because
they spring from the internalization of
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ideas that deny the agents themselves
proper respect.
Once again, the idea that happiness
is desire-satisfaction can absorb these
points and even deny their faults, at the
cost of shrinking happiness to some-
thing where only I am authoritative.
Suppose, however, that I am happy if I
think I am, because I am happy if I am
getting what I want, and I am the author-
ity on whether I am getting what I want.
If we take this point seriously, we can
see that we have not really moved for-
ward from the smiley-face-feeling con-
ception of happiness. Happiness is still
just a state I am in that I report on: get-
ting what I want, rather than feeling
good, but still a state, namely a state of
having my desires ful½lled.
Both the smiley-face and desire-satis-
faction accounts of happiness, despite
their current popularity, especially
among social scientists, turn out to con-
flict with two other surprisingly deep
and far-reaching convictions about
the meaning of happiness, convictions
which emerge readily in simple discus-
sion. These are the thought that happi-
ness has an essential connection with
my life as a whole and the thought
that happiness is an achievement on my
part.
Why should I even bother thinking
about my life as a whole? It can seem,
from a modern point of view, like an ex-
cessively cautious thing to do–pruden-
tial in the way that people are prudential
who save and buy life insurance. But it is
actually rather different, and it is some-
thing we all do all the time, since there
are two perspectives which we take on
our lives.
One is the linear perspective, from
which we think of our lives as proceed-
ing through time, one action being fol-
lowed by another as we slowly get older.
The other perspective opens up as soon
as we ask of any action, Why I am doing
it. Why am I getting up? A number of
different kinds of answers suggest them-
selves, but we readily recognize one kind
that is purposive: I get up in order to get to
my classes. Why am I going to my
classes? In order to major in Spanish.
Why am I majoring in Spanish? In order
to get a job as a translator. The answers
collected by this question will not all be
on the same level of generality. Taking a
course is a particular goal that gets its
salience from some more general goal,
such as having a satisfying career. Our
goals are in this way nested.
One feature of this way of thinking
that soon becomes clear is its capacity to
unify. I cannot have as concurrent aims
the ambition to be a great ballet dancer
and the ambition to be a lieutenant in
the Marines; I have to ½nd a way to se-
quence these aims coherently. As this
way of thinking reveals to me what my
aims are, I realize that they are con-
strained by considerations of consisten-
cy, available time, resources, and energy.
These constraints come from the fact
that my aims are the aims I have in the
only life I have to live. Confused or self-
undermining aims force me to get clear-
er about my priorities and to sort out
competing claims on my time and
energy.
So thinking about the way one action
is done for the sake of another leads
seamlessly into thinking about my life in
a nonlinear way, one we can call global. I
may not leap right away into thinking of
my life as a whole; I might start by con-
sidering smaller units circumscribing
various phases of my life, such as my
twenties or my life at university. But
when large aims, typically associated
with careers or self-ful½llment, come in,
I have to move to thinking of my life as a
whole–a whole given in terms of my
Happiness
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Dædalus Spring 2004
47
Julia Annas
on
happiness
goals and the way they ½t together over-
all–rather than as mere duration
through time.
This way of thinking, we should no-
tice, strikingly refutes the initial sup-
position of a timid, over-prudent way
of thinking about my life. Such a per-
spective would come from assuming
that I already know, at least in outline,
what will happen in my life, and re-
spond to this cautiously. What we are
concerned with here, by contrast, is an
exploratory way of thinking about my
life in which my plans are shaping and
actively organizing what is going to hap-
pen in it.
Suppose I recognize this perspective
and realize that what faces me is not just
a series of actions trailing into the fu-
ture, but a task, namely the task of form-
ing my life as a whole in and by the way
I act. I then have, even if in a vague and
muddled way, a conception of my life
as a whole and of the overall way my en-
deavors are shaping it–my telos as the
ancients put it.
Does this get us to happiness? Aristo-
tle famously said that everybody agrees
that our telos is happiness. We, however,
do not so readily come to this conclu-
sion. Some respond at this point by de-
nying that happiness is our overarching
aim in life. Others accept Aristotle’s
point verbally, but trivialize it by taking
happiness just to be whatever you want,
thereby expelling from discussions of
happiness serious concern with the for-
mation of our lives.
It is important, however, to note that
Aristotle at once goes on to add that
agreement that our ½nal or overarching
end is happiness does not settle any-
thing, since people disagree as to what
happiness is. Some think it is pleasure,
others virtue; unreflective people think
it is money or status.
We can now see that we have made
progress after all; for once we recognize,
even if at an indeterminate level, that we
have a ½nal end, questions and problems
about happiness now occupy exactly the
right place. Coming up with the proper
speci½cation of our overall goal in living
will make us happy. But before this is
helpful for us, we need to know what
happiness is.
Is it pleasure? We now know that the
right answer to this question must rec-
ognize that happiness speci½es not a
transient feeling, but our ½nal end in a
way that makes sense for us of the aims
we pursue. Am I studying Spanish, ulti-
mately, to get pleasure? We can see right
away that if the answer is to be yes, then
pleasure has to be explicated in a way
that makes sense of its role as an aim I
could have in studying Spanish as one
way to shape my life. If this can be done,
it will turn out to have little to do with
smiley-face feeling; it will turn out to be
a blander, Epicurean kind of pleasure.
We are on the right track, then, in
looking for happiness in the search for
the best way to live, the best way to
understand our telos. Once we follow
through this train of thought, we can see
why the smiley-face-feeling and desire-
satisfaction accounts were so hopeless.
The issues that matter are issues about
the living of our lives, not about feelings
or desires. Once this is clear, we can
avoid verbal disputes about whether
happiness properly applies to feelings or
to lives as a whole. We talk in terms of
both; but the issues about happiness
that concern us most are those that are
formulated once we think about our
lives in a global as well as a linear way.
Do we actually think about happiness
in this way? Certainly a lot of our dis-
course implies it. When I wonder
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whether winning the lottery will make
me really happy, this is the point in
mind; I am not wondering whether it
will produce smiley-face feeling or give
me what I want.
Discussion and debate about others’
lives also makes clear to us that we are
disputing about what happiness really
is, and that this is a point about our lives
and the ways these have been shaped.
Two people may dispute whether their
colleague ruined her life or not when she
lost her job as a result of acting in accor-
dance with her values. (She blew the
whistle on corrupt practices, say.) One
onlooker may say that she has ruined her
prospects for happiness; now she is un-
employable, and all her training and am-
bition will go to waste. The other may
say that she would never have been hap-
py had she not acted as she did; had she
failed to live up to her values, her life
would have been infected by hypocrisy.
This is a dispute about happiness that
could not be settled by reports about her
feelings or desire-satisfaction. It is a sub-
stantive dispute about what we are seek-
ing overall in life, and resolving it re-
quires substantive discussion of our val-
ues and priorities.
Why does this sort of discourse not
spring more prominently to the minds
of social scientists when they embark
on happiness research? It seems to be
at least as prominent in the way people
think and talk about happiness as are
thoughts about feelings. It does not, of
course, ½t into the framework that con-
ceives of happiness as subjective–and
perhaps this should lead us to doubt the
assumption that we have a well-ground-
ed idea of ‘subjective’ happiness and that
that assumption is the proper place to
start our investigation of happiness. For,
as we have seen, we do think of happi-
ness as something to be achieved, or not,
by living a life of one kind or another;
and we do think of this issue as one to be
discussed in terms of values and ideals.
And this does not look ‘subjective’ in
any of the many ways in which that term
is understood.
Is happiness really an achievement,
though, in the way suggested? Suppose
we agree that I aim at happiness by spec-
ifying my aims in life overall, and agree,
further, that this is something for which
competing accounts are available, so
requiring choice and direction on my
part. Still, is happiness itself aptly to be
thought of as a matter of the direction I
give my life?
We are used to theories that take hap-
piness to be a state–a positive one, of
course. On this view, shared by conse-
quentialists of all kinds, aiming to be
happy just is aiming to get myself into
this positive state. In principle, some-
body else could do the work for me,
and if the work is laborious it is hard
to see why I would insist on doing it
myself.
But could happiness be a state of my-
self that I (or if I am lucky, others) bring
about in myself? Here it is relevant to
mention a discussion with students that
I have had many times, but which I ½rst
borrowed from a former student, Kurt
Meyers.
Kurt asked the students in his business
ethics class, mostly business school stu-
dents, what they thought a happy life
consisted of. All mentioned material
things like a large salary, a nice house,
an suv, and so on. Well, he said, sup-
pose you ½nd in the mail tomorrow that
an unknown benefactor has left you lots
of money, so that these material things
are now yours for the having. Would this
make you happy? Overwhelmingly they
said no (and this is uniformly what I
have found also).
What this little thought experiment
shows is that it was not really the materi-
Happiness
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Dædalus Spring 2004
49
Julia Annas
on
happiness
al things, the stuff, that they imagined
would make their lives happy. Rather,
they thought of a happy life as one in
which they earned the money, made
something of their lives so that these
things were an appropriate reward for
their effort, ambition, and achievement.
Just having the stuff was not all they
wanted.
This is a mundane enough example,
yet it is surprisingly powerful when we
take it seriously. How many people really
think that stuff alone will make them
happy, regardless of how they obtain it?
That you could be made happy by mon-
ey or an suv, regardless of how you got
them? The thought extends readily to
other things that have been taken to be
objective measures of happiness in nu-
merous studies. Am I made happy by
being strong, healthy, intelligent, beauti-
ful? By having an income at or above the
average in my society? By having a rea-
sonably high status in my society? Once
we bear in mind the importance to us
not just of having these things but of
having them in one kind of life rather
than another, we can see that these ques-
tions cannot sensibly be thought of as
having yes or no answers. They open the
discussion rather than tell us what we
need to know to close it.
So we are not so far as we might think
from the ancient thought that happiness
is an achievement, even given the fact
that our thoughts have got confused by
the association of happiness with feel-
ings. We do have the thought that hap-
piness comes from living in some ways
and not others, that it is not something
that others can give you, either by giving
you stuff or by getting you into a partic-
ular state. Too often these reflections
have been ignored by the social sciences,
and this has been something to regret,
and the source of much of the disap-
pointing state of happiness studies in
that area.
One ½nal objection is worth mention-
ing: it is that the idea of happiness as
achievement is unrealistically high-
minded.
We see all around us, it is claimed,
people who do think of happiness as
some kind of positive state, and who
seem not to care greatly whether it is
their own efforts which produce this
state for them, or those of others. If this
is a common way of thinking, is it not
too idealistic to think of happiness as
achievement?
To this the right response is, I think,
that low expectations should not auto-
matically lead us to lower our ideals.
People have low expectations for a num-
ber of reasons–prominently, social con-
ditions that have discouraged them from
having higher ones. If someone does not
think of himself as having much control
over the shape his life can take, it is nat-
ural that he should not readily think of
happiness as something he can achieve,
and he may rest content with the notion
that happiness is a state that others can
just as well bestow. But this example
does not show that happiness as achieve-
ment is a hopelessly ideal notion. As I
have indicated, it does not take a lot of
reflection to ½nd it.
To show that eudaimonism is the right
form for ethical theory to take would re-
quire more argument than I can provide
here, but I hope to have shown at least
that the notion of happiness as achieve-
ment which forms the center of such
theories is already a part of our reflective
lives.
In the meantime, it is worth redirect-
ing our attention to what we actually
think about happiness. We are faced
with the point that we do think of happi-
ness as an achievement in the way we
live our lives: one subject to dispute and
disagreement that we will need theories
to clarify, never mind settle. And even
this much shows us that philosophy has
50
Dædalus Spring 2004
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more to contribute than social science
has allowed, both in refocusing the study
on the proper data and in giving it fruit-
ful direction.
Smiley faces are fun as reward stickers
in children’s books, but they are no help
in serious thought about happy lives. It
is a pity that we need philosophers to
point this out.
Happiness
as
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Dædalus Spring 2004