Looking for Africa in - Am MIT spezialisierte KI-Forschung

Looking for Africa in
Carl Einstein’s Negerplastik

Z.S. Strother

all photos by the author except where otherwise noted

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

In 1914, two men strove to publish the first theoretical

treatise on African art composed in a European lan-
Spur. The Latvian painter Voldemārs Matvejs and the
German author Carl Einstein worked virtually simulta-
neously and without knowledge of one another. Matvejs
died precipitously in May, delaying publication of his
manuscript, Iskusstvo Negrov (“Negro Art”) until 1919. Während
his lifetime, Latvia was part of the Russian Empire and Matvejs
wrote in Russian under the pseudonym of “Vladimir Markov.”
When published, after the Revolution, his text exercised a for-
mative impact on the Soviet avant-garde, zum Beispiel, on Malev-
ich, Tatlin, and Rodchenko, before the Stalinist art establishment
consigned it to oblivion in the 1930s. Einstein’s book Negerplastik
(“Negro sculpture”) appeared in 1915 with notable success, Aber
then also gradually disappeared from view.1 Since 1961, the text
has garnered increasing attention thanks to the rising profile of
Einstein himself. For both men, the claim to be the “discoverer
of African art”2 has helped shaped their image as culture heroes
suitable for canonization in the twenty-first century.

But what role was there for Africa in theories of African art?
Simon Gikandi warns us: “Much has been written on Picasso and
primitivism but little on his specific engagement with Africa”
(2006:33).3 By so doing, he argues that scholars replicate Picasso’s
own strategies in separating works of art from the people and
societies that produced them and perhaps for the same reason:
“to minimise … the constitutive role of Africa in the making of
modernism” (ibid., P. 34). The questions asked of Picasso need
to be posed for the larger community of European modernists
fascinated by art objects from other parts of the world. This essay
takes up Gikandi’s challenge to query what the critic Carl Ein-
stein believed about Africans and what his sources were.4

The FirsT LiFe oF NegerpLasTik: The phoTographs5
“Another hole in the classical canon of beauty.”—Hermann Hesse

Both Matvejs and Einstein recognized instantly that they
could not write critically about African art without first gen-
erating a substantial body of images. At the beginning of his
Buch, Matvejs emphasized how few photographs of freestand-
ing African sculptures existed when he began his project. As a
consequence, he was forced to travel extensively across Europe
in order to document outstanding sculptures in museum collec-
tionen (2009 [1919]:79–80). Im Gegensatz, Einstein took advantage
of his connections in the art world to scavenge for professional
photos. Both books provide striking confirmation for Frederick
Bohrer’s thesis that photography was essential to the invention of
art history because it was able to generate a body of comparisons
Und (as Bernard Berenson believed) „[improve] upon the actual
experience of art” (2002:248–49) by granting viewers access to
what they might not normally be able to see or see well.

Negerplastik was published with 119 black-and-white photo-
graphs illustrating ninety-four different sculptures.6 Eighty per-
cent of the objects are presented from a single view, frontal or
three-quarters. The works were usually presented full-figure from
a consistent vantage point. Frequently, skilled lighting interprets
the sculpture as an interlocking series of planes (Feige. 1). The emo-
tional tenor is cool and cerebral. Einstein worked primarily with
private collections and, with few exceptions, the objects have been
stripped down to the wood carving. This means extracting the
blades and clothing from nkisi nkondi (Figs. 2-3), removing the
hats and raffia ruffs from masks, and toning down brightly colored
paints (Figs. 4–5). As an ensemble, the systematic presentation
of a doctored and highly selective group of images from roughly
twenty countries conjured “African art” into being as a corpus that

8 | african arts winter 2013 Bd. 46, NEIN. 4

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 8

8/23/13 2:16 BIN

1 carl einstein, Negerplastik, plate 71. senufo.

eighty percent of the objects illustrated in Neger-
plastik were presented from a single view, frontal or
three-quarter. the photograph interprets the sculp-
ture as an interlocking series of planes.

exact size of the figures was carefully calibrated from one to the
andere, permitting scientific assessment of identity and difference.
The layout of Negerplastik was also built around comparisons,
but the strategy was radically different. The open book invites
formal comparisons between facing images of one to three
Objekte, which are facilitated by the uniform scale, lighting, Und
vantage point, seeking judgments on similarity and difference
(Figs. 7–8). Zum Beispiel, the viewer is invited to compare two
masks of (scheinbar) equal scale and surface patina (Figs. 9–10).
In both cases, the features of the face are situated along the lines
of a cross subdividing the face into four quadrants. This cross is
formed by cicatrization continuing the vertical line of the nose
and the horizontal line of the eyelids. Difference is subsumed by
this structural logic into a play of opposites: the eyes are convex,
the eyes are concave; the mouth is closed, the mouth is open;
Ohren, no ears; usw. The comparison manufactures a relationship
between dissimilar objects even as it acknowledges their indi-
viduality (Feige. 11).

Remarkably, seventeen sculptures were presented through
multiple views.7 And yet, pure profiles are rare, reserved for the
unveiling of a visual surprise in the composition. Eschewing
scientistic models, Negerplastik instead invites poetic “reverie”
(Grossman 2007:296) through a variety of techniques: weich
focus, floating objects in space with only occasional whispers
of shadow, spot-lighting to heighten the sheen of patina when-
ever possible.

André Malraux has brilliantly argued that the circulation of
object photographs marked a critical development in the “intel-
lectualization of art.” As Mary Bergstein summarizes his posi-
tion: the photography of sculpture created “a homogeneous pool
of images” enabling the viewer to compare and contrast works of
art in an “almost algebraic way.” The images increased the inti-
macy of the viewer’s engagement with the works by giving equal
access to the object, no matter what the scale or setting of the
original. It abstracted the works from their geographic origins
(1992:476). In the case of Negerplastik, it does not matter where
the work originated, whether Gabon or the Belgian Congo,
whether from the forest or savanna, whether for public display
or domestic interior. All such distinctions were obliterated in the
search for “pure sculptural forms” (Einstein 2004 [1915]:128).

The resulting impression of stylistic unity is so compelling that
it wise to remember Allan Sekula’s warnings about how “archi-
val projects” achieve a fake coherence made credible by the
sheer quantity of images assembled. Photographic truth here
lies not in the argument but in the experience (1983:199). Es ist
the archive which “liberates” meaning from use, which extracts
the object from its context in order “to establish a relation of
abstract visual equivalence between pictures” (ibid., S. 194–95).
Even in 1915–20, a few of the better informed reviewers resisted
the logic informing a compendium of “Negro sculpture.” Sascha

Bd. 46, NEIN. 4 Winter 2013 afrikanische Kunst | 9

had literally never before existed.

It is worth contrasting the presentation of objects in Negerplas-
tik to its precedents. In Notes analytiques sur les collections eth-
nographiques, published by the Musée du Congo in 1906, nearly
700 photographs were reproduced on the finest paper along with
a certain number of contextual field photos (Feige. 6). Das war
one of the earliest and most lavish of publications devoted to the
visual culture of Africa. Each sculpture was fully and evenly lit
and submitted to the rigor of full frontal and full profile compar-
isons, reproduced with the highest resolution. Außerdem, Die

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 9

8/23/13 2:16 BIN

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

2 Kongo (democratic republic of the congo).
Nkisi nkondi (detail)
wood, metal, pigments, glass, pigs’ teeth, beads,
cowries, fiber. 112 cm x 40 cm x 34 cm
©royal Museum for central africa (tervuren, bel-
gium) eo. 0. 0. 19845, detail
photo: R. asselberghs

3 carl einstein, Negerplastik, plate 19. Kongo.
Nkisi n’kondi.

in the early colonial period, some collectors and
dealers experimented with stripping sculptures of
their blades, Kleidung, and applied paints in order to
enhance the viewer’s appreciation of sculptural form.

lyn Nicodemus praised Einstein for this very achievement even
as she acknowledged that she only became aware of what has
come to be called “classical African art” in Europe: “I went to see
the sculptures in the museums of Paris and London. Even now,
I cannot explain my feelings in front of them: they represented
an unknown Africa; perhaps they did not speak to me because
I came from a region without a sculptural tradition” (1993:32).9
The photoarchive of Negerplastik defined the canon of African
art displayed in museums through wooden carvings overwhelm-
ingly from French and Belgian colonies.

Who was responsible for this collection of 119 photographs,
which were published without labels of any kind and without any

Schwabacher satirized the vagueness of the concept, comparing
it to a category like “Indo-European sculpture.” She wondered
how useful it was to lump together works from Benin, Kongo,
Melanesia and Polynesia (in Baacke 1990:120). Viktor Christian
argued that it would be more precise to locate the project in West
African “kulturkreises” (ibid., P. 128).8 Jedoch, most accepted
unquestioningly the cohesiveness of the ensemble and Einstein
fell prey to his own success. He later wrote that the “one fact”
governing the “painful sentiment of uncertainty” surrounding
African art was its “unity of style” (1922 [1921]:6).

No less a figure than Hermann Hesse voiced the impact of
Negerplastik’s photoarchive in decentering his expectations
about art: “Truly I cannot say that I find the Negro sculptures
beautiful.” Nevertheless, he was convinced by Einstein that,
while anyone might find “this art foreign and disturbing,” no one
had the right to reject its status as “art … valuable and fully justi-
fied in itself. Another hole in the classical canon of beauty ” (In
Baacke 1990:96). Ironisch, the Tanzanian artist and critic Ever-

10 | african arts winter 2013 Bd. 46, NEIN. 4

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 10

8/23/13 2:16 BIN

direct correspondence to the text?10 We may never know. Ein-
stein volunteered for service in World War I and suffered a seri-
ous head wound in November 1914 (Meffre 2002:52–53). A letter
exists in French in which he regrets that his first book was pub-
lished as a “fragment” while he was in the hospital.”11 In the same
letter, he tries to get his respondent to send him some photos of
objects in his personal collection with the promise of publish-
ing them in his next book (in Baacke 1980:142; Bassani 1998:102).
The cost of hiring a professional photographer was debilitating
for young authors. Jedoch, von 1913, serious collectors and deal-
ers of African were having their objects photographed, partly for
promotion and partly to exchange information.12 Although Ein-
stein is likely to have amassed images from diverse sources, their
consistency indicates that a demonstrable style had emerged
for the presentation of “primitive art” in this community. Der
difficulty in acquiring photographs lends credibility to Hans
Purrmann’s hunch that the art dealer Josef Brummer served as

4 Central Pende. Fumu (The Chief)
Artist: Gabama a Gingungu (ca. 1930)
Holz (Ricinodendron heudeloti), raffia; H: 22.9 cm (Gesicht)
©Royal Museum for Central Africa (Tervuren, Belgien). EO
0.0.32128.
PHOTO J.-M. VAndyCk

5 Carl Einstein, Negerplastik, plate 92. Central Pende.
Masculine face mask.

The colors of masks were dulled down and they also fre-
quently lost their hats, raffia ruffs, and other attachments.

the “instigator” for Negerplastik (in Baacke 1990:87). Jean-Louis
Paudrat has argued that it was Brummer who not only provided
the lion’s share of images but who may also have also financed
the book’s publication.13

German graphic design was held to a lofty standard at this
period and Wendy Grossman has rightly commented on the
“artful juxtapositions evident in the book’s layout” (2007:296).
It was probably the designer who retouched the photographs to
enhance their consistency and who created the formal logic gov-
erning the sequencing. The original edition measured 25 cm x
19 cm in size and was printed on heavy coated paper. The pub-
lisher’s advertisements consistently emphasize the importance of
the reproductions, in number, Größe, and quality.14 The superiority
of the printing and layout made all the difference.

On its release, Negerplastik received an impressive number
of reviews from across the cultural spectrum, testifying to the
topicality of its subject. Although many readers gave thoughtful,
even searing criticisms of the writer’s methodology, there was
general consensus on the book’s value as an “atlas of images” (Bil-
deratlas).15 Tatsächlich, several scholars have observed that the glossy
plates in Negerplastik had a far greater impact initially than the
text itself, consumed as they were by artists across Europe, viele
of whom did not read German (Zeidler 2004:122; Grossman
2007:297–99, 328). Even more importantly, from my perspec-
tiv, the creation of a homogeneous archive of images, skillfully
sequenced for purposes of comparison and contrast, constituted
the founding act of African art history.

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 11

8/23/13 3:17 BIN

Bd. 46, NEIN. 4 Winter 2013 afrikanische Kunst | 11

art emerge. Im August, 1913 Einstein wrote to the Director of the
Department of Anthropology at the Museum für Völkerkunde in
Berlin, seeking assistance. Einstein cited the enthusiasm of lead-
ing European artists for “primitive art” and proposed dedicating
a special supplement of the revue Der Merker to the subject, Kneipe-
lishing “a few of the wonderful things” belonging to the museum
with the stated goal of arousing the interest of German collectors
of modern art “in the great artistic value of Negro sculptures [Und]
Mexican works” (in Baacke 1990:136).

The supplement for Der Merker did not come to pass and Ein-
stein very quickly narrowed his interests. Im November 1913, Er
collaborated in organizing an exhibition at the Neue Galerie
in Berlin, which displayed the works of Picasso, Derain, Und
Matisse alongside a room devoted to African sculptures (Neu-
meister 2008:173–75, 178). Im Dezember 1913, he included what
one reviewer called “a series of superb Negro sculptures” in a ret-
rospective of Picasso’s work, 1901–12 (in Neumeister 2008:175,
182 nn. 12–13).

As Heike Neumeister demonstrates, Einstein’s curatorial inter-
ventions provide crucial information on his mindset just prior
to or during the writing of Negerplastik (2008:175). He was mov-
ing in a nexus of galerists and collectors who were intrigued by
the enthusiasm of avant-garde artists for so-called primitive art,
especially African sculpture. Brummer was in Berlin at the time
of the both exhibitions (ibid., P. 182 N. 8) and their proposed col-
laboration on Negerplastik may date from this period. From this
chronology, it appears that Einstein wrote most of the text in the
first half of 1914.

Im August 1914, Einstein volunteered for service in World War
ICH (in striking opposition to his patron and brother-in-law Franz
Pfemfert, the publisher of Die Aktion) (Meffre 2002:52). Einstein
was attracted his entire life to the romanticism of male camara-
derie during war, writing at this time: “We have entered into
a new human community; of men who wanted to die or to win
together” (in ibid., P. 52 N. 98). Im November, he suffered a serious
head wound in Belgium (ibid., P. 58) and spent over four months
recuperating in a military hospital in Berlin, from January to early
Mai 1915. Wie oben beschrieben, Einstein regretted that Negerplastik was
assembled while he was recuperating in hospital.

After serving with light duties in Alsace, Einstein was trans-
ferred in spring 1916 to the colonial department of the civil
administration for the Gouvernement Général de Bruxelles.
Liliane Meffre hypothesizes that it was the publication of Neg-
erplastik itself which was responsible for this desirable posting
and she highlights the critical importance of this period for Ein-
stein’s future work on African topics (2002:62–66). Einstein liked
his superior officer, Edmund Brückner, who was a career admin-
istrator in the German colonial service and who had served as
Governor of Togo before the war. Endlich, someone with concrete
experience of Africa entered Einstein’s circle (ibid., P. 66).

As a colonial officer, Einstein enjoyed ready access to one of
the best libraries in the world on Africa, insbesondere, the art
and culture of Central Africa, in the Musée du Congo, at Tervu-
ren.16 As part of its public relations program, the scandal-ridden
Congo Free State built a grand museum and funded many pub-
lications on art and culture, including the sumptuous Notes ana-
lytiques already described. When Belgium assumed control over

6 Notes analytiques sur les collections eth-
nographiques. annales du Musée du congo (tervu-
ren), ethnographie et anthropologie (série 3), tome
1, fasc. 2 (les arts—religion): Juli 1906, plate 40.

the congo Free state supported ethnographic
and art publications as part of its public relations
Programm. this lavish volume reproduced nearly
700 photographs on the finest coated paper. jeden
sculpture was presented in full frontal and full profile
comparisons with the exact size calibrated from one
to the other, inviting scientific appraisal of identity
and difference.

BeFore aNd aFTer BrusseLs
“i am completely going black. excess of africa [sic].”

What did it mean to write a book on African art, 1913–14? Viele
scholars have demonstrated a fatal desire to project backwards
onto his early writing what is known about the Einstein who
worked with Michel Leiris on Documents; the Einstein who fought
in favor of the Republican cause in Spain; and the Einstein who
was hounded to his death by Nazis in France in 1940. To appreci-
ate the originality and full eccentricity of Negerplastik, one must
be vigilant to respect the arc of his intellectual development.

Einstein first made his name as a writer when he published
Bebuquin oder die Dilettanten des Wunders in 1912. At this time, Er
supported himself primarily by publishing cultural criticism on a
broad slice of artistic life, although he began to concentrate more
on art criticism in 1913, when the first known references to African

12 | african arts winter 2013 Bd. 46, NEIN. 4

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 12

8/23/13 2:16 BIN

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

carl einstein, Negerplastik, plates 74–75.

7–8
left/ Kuba drinking cup. right/ Kuba drinking cup. ber-
lin: Museum für Völkerkunde #iii c 19637.

the layout of Negerplastik instead invited formal com-
parisons between two to three objects on facing pages.

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

In 1921, Einstein revealed that his search for oral texts was partly
fueled by the hope that they would illuminate the visual arts but
found that they belonged to “diverging currents” (1922 [1921]:6).
Oddly enough, his conclusion echoes that of Friedrich Markus
Huebner, who reviewed Negerplastik in 1915, punning on the
title of Frobenius’s Und Afrika Sprach. Huebner wrote that it was
tempting to seek connections between “terrifying idols carved
from garish painted wood” and “roughly carved ghost stories or
magic formulae” but that “Negro sculpture” and “Negro poetry”
belonged to two separate artistic branches: “Leo Frobenius wit-
nesses against Carl Einstein.”19

In October 1917, Einstein was sent back to the front, where he
wrote to his wife, “I can no longer stand the war. Everything is
falling apart; whatever I cared about has been destroyed” (Meffre
2002:73). Einstein was quickly reinjured and hospitalized, Pos-
sibly for psychological trauma (ibid., P. 73–75). It seems that it
was this experience that aroused Einstein’s political conscience,
as happened for so many (Kiefer 1987:149). After the war, he sup-
ported the Spartacus League, which he described as “the will to
give the possibility of a human society to the human subject”
(Meffre 2002:88).

Bd. 46, NEIN. 4 Winter 2013 afrikanische Kunst | 13

the Congo Free State in 1908 (which had previously been gov-
erned as the private domain of King Leopold II), the new regime
(the “Belgian Congo”) continued its commitment to ethnogra-
phy, publishing four of the titles cited in the bibliography of Ein-
stein’s second book on African art.

Einstein enjoyed a certain notoriety as someone who had pub-
lished on Africa and he sometimes misled people into believing
that he had actually traveled there (Meffre 2002:62–65). His suc-
cess whetted his appetite for more ambitious projects. A giddy let-
ter survives from this period when he wrote to his patron Franz
Blei from “the desk of the late Belgian colonial minister”: “i am
completely going black here. excess of africa [….] And this time
I’ll collect Africa in two volumes [and the public] will even have
occasion to remark on the Germanic thoroughness of my work.”17
Einstein’s choice of words is fascinating. By writing “ich negri-
ere,” he implied that he was spending all his free time reading and
thinking about Africa and promised that “this time” (in contrast
to Negerplastik) he would “collect” or “assemble” Africa (Afrika
… versammeln) according to German standards for meticulous
attention to detail (die heimatliche Gründlichkeit).

Einstein served in Brussels from spring 1916 bis Oktober 1917
and there is clear evidence of his work in the library at Tervu-
ren in his future publications. In his project to “collect” Africa,
he began with legends, which comprised a lifelong interest for
him. In 1916–17, he began to publish translations in free verse of
Lieder, prayers, and myths for various Central African peoples.18

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 13

8/23/13 2:16 BIN

carl einstein, Negerplastik, plates 90–91.

9–10
left/ Kuba or lele Mask. Visible stamp in lower left
reads: “collection [charles] Vignier.” right/ Mask of
unknown origin, northeastern congo (?).

Negerplastik was assembled while einstein was recu-
perating from a head wound received during world
war i. probably the galerist Josef brummer was
responsible for gathering most of the photographs
and may also have financed the book’s publication
(paudrat 1984:144, 151). we do not know who was
responsible for the layout, but many of the facing
images were carefully calibrated to permit system-
atic comparison.

Let us review the significance of this chronology. In 1913–14,
Einstein still had literary aspirations and was moving in a cir-
cle of galerists and collectors of modern art curious about “l’art
nègre.” He was not yet politically active on any significant scale
and volunteered for service in the German army in the face of
family opposition. There is no evidence that Einstein was read-
ing or thinking deeply about Africa. The claim that Negerplastik
“places itself outside of colonialist discourse [Und] is even a cri-
tique of it” is wishful thinking (Kiefer 1987:152).

The change comes in 1916–17 with the success of Negerplas-
tik and his appointment to the colonial office in Brussels, Wo
he was forced to compete with men with direct experience
of the continent. Einstein’s declaration that “this time” he was
going to do a thorough job in collecting “Africa” does justice to
the radical differences between Negerplastik and Einstein’s fol-
low up volume, Afrikanische Plastik (1921). The former reads
as a self-confident work of criticism; the latter presents itself a
painstaking and up-to-date piece of scholarship.20 In contrast to
Negerplastik, the latter text bristles with named authors, quota-
tionen, place names, and African terms for sculptural genres. Der
bibliography provided at the end is carefully calibrated to the
objects selected for illustration and shows mastery of the con-
temporary literature.21

Scholars have universally commented on the disjunction in the
two texts, dismissing Afrikanische Plastik as “more ethnographic,”
but that judgment is misleading. Einstein is interested neither in
the function of the objects nor how they are embedded in social
Praxis. Stattdessen, he clearly states that he gave himself the mission
“of opening the door to specialized research addressing the history
of sculpture and painting” rather than fueling the imagination
of impoverished European artists (1922 [1921]:3).22 This revolu-
tionary project to write a history of art for Africa may have been
inspired by reviews of Negerplastik, which often demanded a more
historical methodology. In the second book, Einstein attempts to
establish historical relationships among varied artistic traditions

through visual analysis of specific objects and to provide dates
where possible. He prioritizes portraiture and raises the question
of the relationship of sculpture to painting. Afrikanische Plastik
is only “ethnographic” in the sense that Einstein was privileging
authors with significant field experience over popular sources like
Zeitungen, museum guidebooks, and travelogues.

LookiNg For aFrica iN Negerplastik
There are not many traces of Africa in Negerplastik, published
before Einstein’s sojourn in Brussels. In this regard, Einstein’s
text poses a significant contrast to its theoretical twin, Iskusstvo
Negrov. Matvejs opened his own book with a long synthesis of
the publications of Leo Frobenius since he believed it imperative
for Russian-speaking artists to have access to this cutting-edge
Forschung. Europeans were astounded by the German ethnolo-
gist’s archaeological discoveries in Nigeria, 1910–12. For schol-
ars today, Frobenius is a mixed bag, gelinde gesagt, but what he
demonstrated for Matvejs was that Africans have a history (Und
a history of art) like anyone else: “It turns out that there is a rich,
mächtig, and fabulous past” (2009:84).

It is hard to believe that Berliner Einstein did not consult Und
Afrika Sprach, a sumptuous multivolume set, or other reports,
which began to appear in 1912 (Feige. 12).23 He opens Negerplas-
tik with the following condescending lament: “Perhaps the illus-
trations in this book will establish this much: the Negro is not
undeveloped; a significant African culture has gone to ruin;
perhaps the Negro of today relates to what may have been an
‘antique’ Negro as the fellah relates to the ancient Egyptian”
(2004:124). On the one hand, the discovery of accomplished,
naturalistic figures in brass and terracotta at Ife demonstrated
that sub-Saharan Africa was “once” a site for civilization. An
die andere Hand, for bourgeois observers schooled in the Greco-
Roman tradition, it implied that this civilization had been lost,
partly through contact with Europe: “The deeper one penetrates
the layers of ancient cultures, the more refined artefacts one

14 | african arts winter 2013 Bd. 46, NEIN. 4

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 14

8/23/13 2:16 BIN

finds. It follows from this that there was an ancient culture dur-
ing antiquity, which was far superior to what we find on African
soil today (Frobenius 2009 [1912]:195). Although Einstein did
not accept the superiority of naturalism, he seems to have been
affected nonetheless by the conviction of interminable decline.24
The irony here is that most of the sculptures illustrated in Neger-
plastik were not so old as Einstein imagined and testified to the
vitality of contemporary African art at the turn of the century.

With all its problems, Und Afrika Sprach made available a
wealth of data that challenged many prevailing models for African
societies. It demonstrated enough historical complexity to render
untenable the view of Africans as “people of an eternal prehistory”
(as Einstein worded it). There is no need to look further than Fro-
benius for Einstein’s conviction that a history of African art existed
and that “one should disabuse oneself of the illusion that the sim-
ple and the originary could possibly be identical.”25

And yet, Einstein’s section devoted to “Religion and Afri-
can Art” could not have stemmed from Frobenius, nor indeed
any respected contemporary work of scholarship. He begins
by asserting that “the art of the Negro is determined above all
by religion. As with many an ancient people, the sculptures
are worshiped. The maker creates his work as the deity” (2004
[1915]:129). Hear the jealousy, the desire, that Einstein expresses
for the African artist (and he does say “artist”) who creates a god,
whose “work … is self-sufficient, transcendent, and unentan-
gled” (ibid.). The African artist has no mandate to imitate nature,
as in the European tradition: “Whom would a god imitate, Zu
whom would he submit?” Instead, the African work of art “signi-
fies nothing, it does not symbolize; it is the god” (ibid., P. 130).

Einstein never once uses the term “fetish.”26 However, make
no mistake: the work that collapses signifier and signified, Die
thing that is mistaken for a god, is none other than the “fetish.”
Jean Laude wrote in 1961 that assimilating African sculpture to
the fetish was “unacceptable” but attributes Einstein’s error to
the weakness of contemporary ethnography (1961:88). This state-
ment has served as the alibi for innumerable apologists; Wie-
immer, it misrepresents the state of the field in 1914. Lurid images
of natives worshipping so-called fetish-objects would continue
in the tabloids and in comic books like Tintin for some time,
but rarely in the professional literature on Africa. Einstein’s for-
mulation recalls Charles de Brosses, who wrote in 1760, “These
divine fetishes are nothing other than the first material object
that it pleases each nation or each individual to choose…. Sie
are taken for Gods” (De Brosses 1760:18–19). According to the
Oxford English Dictionary, it was de Brosses who first argued
that a fetish was “worshipped in its own character, not as the
Bild, symbol, or occasional residence of a deity.” It is precisely
this distinction that Einstein insists upon—the purported non-
symbolic, non-referential nature of the fetish.

11 carl einstein, Negerplastik, facing plates 18–19.
left/ Fang reliquary head. right/ Kongo nkisi
n’kondi.

the play of opposites in the photographs can be
witty. in diesem Fall, the designer contrasts two heads;
one smooth, one rough; one blind and mute, Die
other defined by bulging eyes and fleshy lips. Die
game of formal contrasts subsumes differences in
meaning associated with scale, viewing conditions,
and cultural origins.

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 15

8/23/13 2:16 BIN

Bd. 46, NEIN. 4 Winter 2013 afrikanische Kunst | 15

idols, they are not beings or objects that receive actual worship”
(Notes analytiques 1906:149). “It is an image, an effigy, a symbol
invested with a temporary power” (ibid., P. 151). “The black man
never prostrates himself before a fetish…. They do not adore it
like an idol, like a god” (ibid., P. 160). As the definitive publi-
cation of the Musée du Congo, the Notes analytiques served
as a reference guide for the world’s research museums and for
researchers like Matvejs. Frobenius also roundly denied that
Africans were subject to the “insensible fetish” (1912–13:xiii–xiv)
Their analysis is incomplete, their interpretations in conflict,
their tone patronizing, but all these authors were grappling with
reality on a much more sophisticated level than what one finds
in Einstein.

What I am emphasizing is that Einstein’s choice of an anach-
ronistic model was deliberate and self-conscious. It is striking
that he abandoned it entirely in all his later writings.27 Yet, in an
argument forwarding “pure sculpture,” the concept of the fetish
existing only for itself provided a powerful model for the auton-
omous art object advocated by European critics since the 1870s.

iN The dark?
To date no documentation has surfaced for the sources for Neg-
erplastik.28 Therefore, we are forced to turn to close analysis of
the text itself. One revealing clue lies in Einstein’s curious claim,
repeated twice, that the “beholder often worships the images in
darkness” (2004:129–30). Travelogues and early ethnographies
on Africa were published with a steadily increasing number of
engravings and eventually photographs beginning in the 1870s.
One need only flip the pages of these volumes to discover enough
illustrations of daytime masquerades and the public display of
works of art to problematize Einstein’s assertion (Figs. 13–14).29

Darkness was the trigger for the “dread” (Grauen vor dem
Gut) evoked by Einstein (1915:xiii). In his treatise on the sub-
lime, Edmund Burke had emphasized “how greatly night adds
to our dread” and claimed that “[A]lmost all the heathen tem-
ples were dark” (1968 [1757]:59).30 According to Matthew Ram-
pley, the sublime became a “fundamental trope in theories of
primitive culture, and in particular, in theories of primitive and
prehistoric art” (2005:251). Between 1876–1903, the image of
prehistoric humans underwent a profound transformation. NEIN
longer regarded as noble savages, nourished by fertile fields and
forests, they had become pitiful creatures struggling to survive in
a dangerous world (Groenen 1994:328–29). The depth of change
is measured by the series of novels penned by J.-H. Rosny on pre-
historic life, culminating in La Guerre du feu (1911), which details
the perils besetting a family when their fire is extinguished and
they are plunged into “terrifying darkness” (1911 [1977]:5).

Darkness took on special urgency in the debates swirl-
ing around the discovery of Paleolithic paintings, beginning
at Altamira in 1880 (Feige. 15). The French archaeological estab-
lishment disputed their authenticity until 1902, when respected
archaeologist Émile Cartailhac published a dramatic retraction,
“Mea Culpa.” He explains how difficult he found it to believe that
anyone could have executed works of such quality “in these dark
caves, by the flickering light of smoky lamps” (1902:349).

Even after their authenticity was accepted, darkness remained
the single most important factor driving interpretations. In 1903,

12 Following splashy newspaper coverage of
Frobenius’ expedition to nigeria, the publisher Vita
released Und Afrika Sprach in multiple editions,
1912–13, graded for every pocketbook. by publish-
ing antiquities from ile-ife, Frobenius established
with one blow that africa had both a history and an
art history. einstein was certainly aware of Froben-
ius’s work by the time of Negerplastik. he absorbed
some of its lessons on history while ignoring the
revelations about yoruba religion.

The term “fetish” remained peppered through popular sources
on Africa (including art books) with no meaning more precise
than “African carving.” However, de Brosses’s interpretation of
the “fetish” as an object mistaken for a god was discredited by
the 1870s, when Europeans began to interview practitioners and
grapple with the complexity of African religious praxis. In John
Lubbock’s widely consulted compendium, The Origin of Civilisa-
tion, he traces a proto-evolutionary spectrum from those with-
out religion, to “Negro” fetishism, to the dawn of religion in
totemism (1871:349–51). He cannot decide if “fetishism” is a low
stage of religion or “anti-religion” because “the negro believes
that by means of the fetish he can coerce and control his deity”
(ibid., P. 164). Lubbock equates the fetish with witchcraft images
in the European tradition, which could be used to inflict harm
on their models (ibid., S. 164–65). Lubbock’s view that the
African “by means of witchcraft, endeavors to make a slave of
his deity” (ibid., P. 349) is the absolute reverse of Einstein, WHO
imagines the sculptor fabricating a god-object, adoring it, Und
eventually being “consumed” by it.

Also in 1871, E.B. Tylor published an influential revision of
“fetishism” as “the doctrine of spirits … attached to, or convey-
ing influences through, certain material objects” (1871, II:144).
Jedoch, another influential text, Notes analytiques, disputed
this connection to spirits. As was not unusual in serious publi-
cations on Africa in the early twentieth century, one senses that
its authors felt a mission to overturn images of African religion
culled from newspapers. They stated (over and over again) Das
Africans do not worship images as gods: “The fetishes are not

16 | african arts winter 2013 Bd. 46, NEIN. 4

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 16

8/23/13 2:16 BIN

Modernist Adolf Loos gave one of the most notorious statements
on this topic when he argued that human evolution could be mea-
sured by the willingness to eschew ornament:

The Papuan tattoos his skin, his boat, his paddles, in short everything
he can lay hands on. He is not a criminal. The modern man who tat-
toos himself is either a criminal or a degenerate. There are prisons
in which eighty per cent of the inmates show tattoos… If someone
who is tattooed dies at liberty, it means he has died a few years before
committing a murder (1964:19).32

Loos accepted that the origin of art arose from the “urge to orna-
ment” one’s body for “erotic” purposes. The popularity of Loos’s
lectures testifies to the continuing relevance of the subject at the
time Einstein was writing.

Africans did not feature prominently in the theoretical litera-
ture on tattooing, although cicatrization was folded into the gen-
eral category at this period.33 Cicatrization appears on numerous
of the sculptures illustrated in Negerplastik, but Einstein restricts
himself to discussing the human body and what its modification
reveals about the psychology of the artist. There are clear traces
of the literature on tattooing, e.g. in references to “erotic power”
(Kraft der Erotik) or the debate on whether or not the design
“reinforces the form sketched by nature.”

Trotzdem, Einstein’s interpretation is unprecedented for the
period and delivered in one of the most highly styled passages in
Negerplastik, both “terse and expressionistic.”34 He is struck by
“What a remarkable sort of consciousness … which conceives

Salomon Reinach wrote that the location of the paintings “in the
darkest part of the cavern” rendered their “religious and mysti-
cal character … incontestable” (1903:263). Like Lubbock (über),
he was inspired by European witchcraft to interpret the image
(or “effigy”) as a means to influence or gain power over what was
represented (1903:260). He cautiously drew analogies with recent
ethnography on the Aruntas of Australia (who executed paint-
ings restricted from view by noninitiates with the goal of multi-
plying game animals): “If the troglodytes thought like Aruntas,
the ceremonies that they performed before these effigies would
help insure the proliferation of elephants, wild bulls, horses, Cer-
vidae, which they used to eat” (1903:263). Truly lavish publications
with color illustrations in the 1910s kept Paleolithic artists in the
public eye. Reinach’s interpretation that the paintings were used
for “hunting magic” (as it came to be called) reigned for over fifty
Jahre. Whereas Einstein opposed the model that the artist was
seeking to control what was represented, he was still inspired to
believe that darkness was a key to interpretation, as could not have
been supported by contemporary scholarship on Africa.

The psychoLogy oF The arTisT
Negerplastik ends with a discussion of tattoo and masquerading,
the originality of which has not been recognized. When Captain
James Cook published his travelogue on Tahiti in 1769, he initi-
ated a European obsession with tattoos, which continued through
the early twentieth century. Travelers of scientific bent were care-
ful to describe who wore tattoos (men, Frauen, warriors, usw.) Und
where the designs might be located. Drawing on this voluminous
Literatur, John Lubbock concluded: “Ornamentation of the skin
is almost universal among the lower races of men” (1871:43). Er
judged the Maori to have “the most beautiful of all” tattooing, Und
his illustration was reproduced by Alois Riegl, among many others
(ibid., P. 47) (Feige. 16). The reason that tattooing became so impor-
tant was that, as Lubbock indicates, it was imagined to offer cru-
cial evidence on the history of ornament and, by extension, Die
origins of art.31 Riegl argued that the “urge to decorate … is one of
the most elementary of human drives” and cited the Polynesians
as proof that tattooing was invented before clothing (1992:31).

13 the temple of shango, ibadan, nigeria. 1910.
From Und Afrika Sprach…. (frontispiece) von einem
watercolor by the expedition artist, carl arriens.

beginning in the 1880s, new photographic and
printing technologies allowed an increasing number
of images to be reproduced showing african art
objects in their original viewing conditions.

14 a photograph showing the public display of a
nkisi (power object like Figure 2) in a Kikongo-speak-
ing region during a medical diagnosis.
photo: J. A . da cunha Moraes, aFrica occidental.

lisbon: daVid corazzi, 1885, n.p. e ntitled “a FaM ily, An
the banK s oF the z aire riVer.”

the baptist missionary w. holman bentley, WHO
worked for many years among the Kongo, published
an engraving drawn from Moraes’s photograph in
his widely consulted book Pioneering on the Congo
(london: religious tract society, 1900, Bd. 1, P.
268). the label reads: “the practice of Medicine (Die
girl on the left is the patient.)”

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 17

8/23/13 2:17 BIN

Bd. 46, NEIN. 4 Winter 2013 afrikanische Kunst | 17

mation of the most heterogeneous things one into another” (1963
[1901/02]:6). Drawing on Spencer and Gillen and other ethnog-
raphers, they speculated that for the least evolved peoples:

Hier, the individual himself loses his personality. There is a complete
lack of distinction between him and his exterior soul or his totem. Er
and his “fellow-animal” together compose a single personality…. Der
Bororo sincerely imagines himself to be a parrot (ibid., P. 6).

In Durkheim and Mauss’s influential model, “transformation” is
predicated upon extinction of human personality.

In 1910, Lévy-Bruhl nuanced the discussion differently, draw-
ing on many of the same sources. In his view, it was more a ques-
tion of “fusion” or “mystic participation” when a man dressed in
an animal skin:

They are not concerned with knowing whether the man, in becoming
a tiger, ceases to be a man, and later, when he becomes a man again, Ist
no longer a tiger…. That which is of paramount importance to them
is the mystic virtue which makes these individuals “participable” …
of both tiger and man in certain conditions, and consequently more
formidable than men who are never anything but men, and tigers
which are always tigers only.35

Although Lévy-Bruhl will become extremely important for Ein-
stein’s work in the 1930s, he leans more towards Durkheim and
Mauss’s perspective on the psychology of transformation in Neg-
erplastik. Instead of fusion, as articulated by Lévy-Bruhl, he insists
that “all individuality is annihilated” (1915:xxvi; 2004:137). The mask
is expressionless because it is liberated from the “lived experience
of the individual” (2004:137). The masquerader becomes the God.
For Einstein, the stakes are higher in masquerade than in tattoo-
ing because dance induces ecstasy. He argues that the masquerade
counterbalances the self-annihilation implicit in religious adora-
tion: he prays to God, he dances ecstatically for the clan (or com-
munity), and “he transforms himself through the mask into the
clan and into the God.” In the emphasis on “the God,” one hears the
echo of the fetish. Lévy-Bruhl defined ecstasy as one of the “bor-
der states in which representation, properly so called, disappears,
since the fusion between subject and object has become complete”
(1926 [1910]:362). Einstein calls masks a “fixed ecstasy” (die fixierte
Ekstase), meaning that they freeze-frame the fleeting passage of
ecstasy. Insbesondere, he believed that certain grotesque masks con-
veyed the experience of transformation (1915:xxvi). He even won-
ders if donning the mask might not serve as a “stimulus” to ecstasy.
Note Einstein’s emphasis on the masquerader’s experience.
Previous theorists were more interested in the audience. Der
early Frobenius considered masks as representations of the dead,
which were animated in performance (Streck 1995:256). Für
James Frazer in The Golden Bough, masquerading was intended
to give a realistic representation of the gods in order to render
belief more persuasive (1913, Teil 6:374–75). Einstein’s specula-
tions are an early expression of the seismic shift in masquerade
Literatur, as identified by historian of religion Henry Pernet
(1992:117), when a fascination emerges with the psychology of
the masquerader.

From the 1930s–60s, a circle of influential theorists transferred
theories on the psychology of the “archaic mind” to masquerade
(Lévy-Bruhl 1963 [1931]), Eliade 1964, Buraud 1948, and Callois

15 “bison ramassé,” reproduction of an origi-
nal painting by abbé h. breuil from the caverne
d’altamira. printed by b. sirven. Émile cartailhac and
abbé henri breuil, La Caverne d’Altamira (imprimerie
de Monaco, 1906), pl. 28.

einstein’s assertion in Negerplastik that african
sculptures were worshipped in the dark more likely
stems from writings on the sublime and from the
publicity surrounding the discovery of extraordinary
paleolithic paintings deep in caves than any contem-
porary publication on africa.

of one’s own body as an unfinished work” (1915:137). Noch einmal,
he can only attribute to “despotic religion” the unflinching will-
power to “make the individual body into a universal one through
tattooing” (den individuaellen Leib durch Tätowierung zu einem
allgemeinen machen). He argues that the ability to see oneself as
an object, as a medium, is a “tremendous gift for objective cre-
ation” (ibid., P. 137).

In this section, Einstein attempts to weave the anachronistic
notion of the fetish with its emphasis on the arbitrary over-valuation
of things together with the burgeoning literature on totemism. Er
argues that it is understandable for someone who “deems himself
a cat, a river, and weather to transform himself accordingly” (ibid.).
It is no coincidence that Einstein uses forms of the word “change”
or “transform” seven times in his short discussion of masks (verän-
dern; verwandeln; Verwandlung). Spencer and Gillen, the authors
of Native Tribes of Central Australia, used some form of the verb
“transform” thirty-five times in their text: Tiere, birds, and witch-
etty grubs all transform into humans and vice versa.

For twenty years, the publications of Spencer and Gillen were
of outstanding importance in European intellectual life since
they offered exhaustive, eyewitness descriptions of life and
culture among the Arrernte (Arunta) of Australia, who were
trumpeted as survivals from the Stone Age. Spencer and Gillen
provided the data which Frazer, Durkheim, Lévy-Bruhl, Rein-
ach, Henri Breuil, and a legion of others spun into golden theo-
ries about totemism and the psychology of the “primitive mind.”
In 1902, Emile Durkheim and Marcel Mauss argued that sto-
ries about “metamorphoses” were found around the world:
“They all presuppose the belief in the possibility of the transfor-

18 | african arts winter 2013 Bd. 46, NEIN. 4

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 18

8/23/13 2:17 BIN

[1915]:126) and yet frames his study with long exegeses on religion
and psychology. Perhaps the problem lay in collapsing Einstein’s
“analysis of forms” (Analyse der Formen) (1915:viii) with the dry
description that passes today for “formal analysis.” Einstein was
seeking to recover “ways of seeing and the laws of perception” (Seh-
weisen und Gesetze der Anschauung) (1915:viii). The term for “vision”
or “perception” in German (Anschauung) has both physical and
philosophical dimensions.38 At the end of his note on methodology,
Einstein acknowledges the “arbitrary” nature of artistic creation due
to the “individual forms of vision/perception” (die einzelnen Formen
der Anschauung). daher, vision itself is shaped by both culture
and psychology. If Einstein wished to recover African “ways of see-
ing” from the sculptures, it behooved him to explore what kind of
psychology could have produced them.

a FiNaL word oN TraNsFormaTioN
“Voir ne signifie plus observer…”

Einstein continued to work through his ideas on transforma-
tion throughout his life and his most elaborate statement by far on
primitivism comes, unexpectedly, in his monograph on Georges
Braque.39 Here “fetishist” is a dirty word, mockingly applied to
European aesthetes who venerate but secretly fear the art object
(“in the manner of primitives”) (1934:13, 54). Von 1930, Einstein
was influenced by a Jungian critique of Freud to argue that the
unconscious should be considered a creative, progressive force,
rather than a negative one (ibid., P. 118). He wrote that Braque
was a visionary because he explored the unconscious through
dreams or hallucinations, working courageously in isolation
without benefit of religion or the collective solidarity of “primi-
tives.” Although Einstein never mentioned Africa, he invoked the
“ecstatic rupture” of masquerade and reiterated how the animist or
totemist was “dominated by the need to destroy his own subjectiv-
ität, mit anderen Worten, dominated by the principle of metamorpho-
sis.”40 Braque was living this “drama,” which had freed him from
the need to imitate nature, so that his art had become “a form of
magic, [which has] the power to transform reality [le réel]” (ibid.,
P. 139). The mature Braque had experienced a “transformation of
his vision” to achieve the transcendental state where: “Seeing no

1961 [1958]). In 1964, Mircea Eliade summed up their position in
terms curiously reminiscent of Einstein:

Whatever sort of mask is worn, the wearer transcends earthly time.
Whether ritual, funerary, or for any spectacle, the mask is an instru-
ment of ecstasy. He who wears one is no longer himself, since he is pro-
jected beyond his personal temporary identity (Eliade 1964, 9: col. 524).

It is interesting to observe that that the bibliography for Eli-
ade’s influential entry on the “mythological and ritual origins” of
“masks” in the Encyclopedia of World Art cites six works on Cen-
tral European masks, Caillois’s book Man, Play, and Games, Und
only one work on Africa (the early book by Frobenius, which was
not based on fieldwork) (1964, 9: col. 568).

Tatsächlich, the transformation hypothesis only began to appear in
fieldwork-based studies in Africa in the 1970s. A pivotal figure
in this transfer was Herbert Cole, in his 1970 exhibition “African
Arts of Transformation.” In 1985, he published a catalog of grad-
uate student essays called I Am not Myself. The preface to this
modest publication has become the most quoted text on African
masquerade. He writes that speakers of English suggest that

by means of mask and costume a spirit is represented. This is not the
African attitude…. The masker, the wearer who is now “ridden” or
imbued by the spirit, also believes in his own new and altered state.
His personal character and behavior are modified, fused with those of
the spirit he creates and becomes. Human individuality is lifted from
him. He is not himself (1985:20).

As Pernet argues, there are so many well-documented alterna-
tives to this theory that it is startling that it should be argued as
the rule, “the African attitude.” Although Cole conducted impor-
tant fieldwork among the Igbo of Nigeria, masquerade was not
the focus of his research. He has generously admitted in inter-
views that he was inspired by Eliade (whose text he echoes)
although he stands by the argument.36

In a future publication, I will trace the genealogy of masquer-
ade theory for Africa (outlined in Strother 2002). What Ein-
stein makes clear is that the transformation hypothesis was not
born in Africa. Stattdessen, it emerged from the transfer of theories
on the “primitive mind” to masquerade, insbesondere, the claim
that humans were transformed into their totem either through
“fusion” or through total alienation of personality.37

It is important to realize that Einstein was drawing not on Afri-
can ethnography but on a mishmash of sources on the so-called
primitive mind because it reveals something important about his
Projekt. Negerplastik has presented a puzzle to scholars since Ein-
stein describes his method as one based on “formal analysis” (2004

16 illustration showing Maori tattoos. John lub-
bock, The Origin of Civilisation (new york: D. apple-
Tonne, 1871), P. 47.

europeans became fascinated by tattooing follow-
ing the publication of captain cook’s travelogues
In 1769. prominent art historians such as alois riegl
(who also illustrated this same image) believed that
tattooing offered important evidence on the history
of ornament and, by extension, the origins of art.
einstein drew on this literature to speculate about
the psychology of the african artist.

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 19

8/23/13 2:17 BIN

Bd. 46, NEIN. 4 Winter 2013 afrikanische Kunst | 19

longer signifies observing” (ibid., P. 140). The desire expressed in
Negerplastik now becomes clearer. Einstein studied the forms that
he admired from Africa and elsewhere in order to master the psy-
chology that produced them.

Z.S. Strother is Riggio Professor of African Art at Columbia University.
She is working with Jeremy Howard and Irēna Bužinska to issue a new
critical edition on the essays and photography of Voldemārs Matvejs and
Russian “primitivism.” zss1@columbia.edu

Notes

Parts of this essay were first presented at the sympo-
sium “African Art, Modernist Photography, & the Politics
of Representation, organized by Wendy Grossman, Bei der
Phillips Collection, Washington, Gleichstrom, on November 14, 2009.
The author is the source for all translations, unless otherwise
notiert; insbesondere, all quotations from Einstein 1915 Sind
translated by the author; quotations from Einstein 2004
[1915] are by Haxthausen and Zeidler.

Originally published as: Z.S. Strother, “À la recherche
de l’Afrique dans Negerplastik de Carl Einstein,” Gradhiva
n.s., 2011 NEIN. 14, 31–55, 257–59. The English version has been
lightly revised. The author wishes to thank the reviewers of
African Arts for their suggestions.

See the reviews for Negerplastik, 1915–20,
reproduced in Baacke 1990:85–133. The press Kurt Wolff
released a second edition in 1920.

2 Meffre book jacket.
3 An exception is Patricia Leighten, who exam-
ines reports on Africa in the French newspapers, ca.
1905–07 (1990).

Joyce Cheng argues that Einstein’s “reflections

on the social use of the objects, in particular their ritual
function” is critical to his theoretical project of “meta-
physical immanence” (2009:87–97). Where I differ from
ihr, as will become clear, is in the attribution of sources,
which leads to very different conclusions about the role
for Africa in his work.

5 Wendy Grossman has pioneered the study of
“how photographs functioned in promoting non-Western
objects as Modern art” (2009:4). For analysis of photogra-
phy in Negerplastik, see Grossman 2006; 2007; 2009:64–67.
6 Ezio Bassani attributes ten of the ninety-four
illustrated works in Negerplastik to sources in the Pacific
or Philippines, reflecting the state of knowledge at the
Zeit (1998). The first edition (1915) was published with
111 plates containing 119 photographs. The second edi-
tion (1920) dropped three photographs (plates 106, 107,
111, including two objects from Melanesia) for a total of
108 plates, 116 photographs, Und 91 sculptures.

Fourteen objects, two views; three objects, three

Ansichten; one object from Madagascar, five views. Brutto-
man underscores the importance of multiple views in
Negerplastik, the originality of which was praised by a
contemporary reviewer (2009:67, 78 N. 21).

8 Christian was here invoking Frobenius’s model of
“cultural circles,” i.e. regions sharing clusters of stylistic or
historically defined cultural traits (Frobenius 1898).

I thank Sebastian Zeidler for bringing this text
to my attention. Today much more is known about the
history of sculpture in Eastern Africa, e.g. Van Wyk
2013; Jahn 1994.

10 Several reviewers criticized the omission of
dates, provenance, ethnic origins (see Baacke 1990:104,
108, 128). Einstein was scrupulous about the labels for
his second book, Afrikanische Plastik.

“Mon premier bouquin c’est un torse [Fragment]
parceque c’était publié par l’éditeur pendant que j’étai au
lazareth” (sic) (in Baacke 1980:142; Bassani 1998:102).

12 Zum Beispiel, Frank Haviland, who had his col-
lection photographed by Druet before 1914 and some
of whose photographs appear in Negerplastik (Laude
1968:115; Bassani 1998:106, 110).

13 Paudrat 1984:144, 151; Bassani 1998. Paudrat and

Bassani have determined that fourteen objects came
directly from Brummer’s collection and that a substan-
tial percentage came from his established clients. In

20 | african arts winter 2013 Bd. 46, NEIN. 4

1913, Brummer had already made available nine photos
(six objects) from his collection for publication in the
Czech avant-garde magazine Umelecky mesicnik, welche
were recycled in Negerplastik (pl. 6, 16–17, 46, 57, 86–87,
99–100) (Bassani and Paudrat 1998:114–20). For Ein-
stein’s continuing struggle to acquire photos of African
sculptures, see Neumeister 2012.

14 Zum Beispiel, one of the advertisements from 1915

promises “119 excellent, large plates … presented in an
instructive layout” (in Baacke 1990:112). Jedoch, Bassani
observes that he can discern no logic for the layout in
terms of ethnicity, region, Funktion, or style—in striking
contrast to Einstein’s later volume, Afrikanische Plastik
(1998:102). Perhaps because of the differing conceptual
logic for grouping photos, the juxtapositions in the sec-
ond book are not visually interesting.

15 The phrase belongs to Friedrich Markus Hueb-

ner (in Baacke 1990:110).

16 Einstein even took the children of a literary
colleague on a visit to the library in April 1916 when he
discovered that they shared his passion for things Afri-
can (Meffre 2002:62).

“ich negriere hier gänzlich. ein afrikanischer

Excess [….] Also diesmal werde ich Afrika in zwei
Büchern versammeln man wird sogar Gelegenheit finden
die heimatliche Gründlichkeit in meiner Arbeit festzustel-
len [sic] (in Baacke 1990:138–39).

18 Reprinted by Baacke 1980:397–400, 414-15, 421–

37. In 1925, Einstein published a handsome expanded
Sammlung, Afrikanische Legenden. Most of his sources
are drawn from Francophone Central Africa, e.g. Luba,
Holoholo, Kaniok, Kuba, and Fang.

19 “Leo Frobenius zeugt wider Carl Einstein.” In

Baacke 1990:110.

20 Klaus Kiefer has even documented a stylis-
tic shift in favor of modal verbs such as “scheinen” or
“mögen” to mark speculation (1987:156).

21 Sixty percent of the twenty-three titles cited date

aus 1909 oder später.

22 Didi-Huberman is the first scholar to recognize

the importance of art history in Afrikanische Plastik ;
Jedoch, he argues that it represents a “prolongement
systématique” of Negerplastik rather than a change of
Richtung (1998:52).

23 Einstein was wary of acknowledging Frobenius.
Although the latter had significant field experience, sein
grandiose theories, bombastic style, populist publications,
and lack of formal academic credentials insured a ambiva-
lent reception from the German academy. In Afrikanische
Plastik, the prominence of the Yoruba, the selection of
certain images, and even the wording of some of the labels
demonstrate knowledge of Und Afrika sprach.

24 One of the few carry-overs from the first book

to Afrikanische Plastik was a nauseating elaboration
of this perspective on African regression, ending with
what could serve as a partial abstract for Und Afrika
sprach, “Les forces créatrices de la civilisation africaine
sont presque complètement épuisées. Peu à peu, la
colonisation a détruit l’ancienne tradition, et les apports
étrangers se sont mêlés au trésors héréditaire des idées
orginales” (1922 [1921]:3).

25 Einstein 2004 [1915], 125; Frobenius, Und Afrika

sprach, Bd. 1 (1912), ch. 1. Jedoch, Riegl could also
have served as a theoretical source, as Cheng reminds
us (2009:88 N. 7).

26 “On donne souvent le nom de fétiche aux statues
africains; mais ce terme, dont on fait un emploi abusive,
finit par perdre sa signification veritable et ne sert sou-

vent qu’à cacher notre ignorance.” Einstein 1922 [1921]:6.
27 Zum Beispiel, his model in Afrikanishe Plastik is
“ancestor worship” as articulated by Bernhard Ankermann
In 1918 (1922 [1921]:13ff). Probably the emphasis on “ances-
tors” seemed to offer possibilities for historical analysis.

28 Cheng identifies Hedwig Fechheimer’s
1914 book Die Plastik der Ägypter as an antecedent
(2009:90). I am not convinced by some other sugges-
tions that stem from the bibliography of Afrikanische
Plastik, for reasons delineated elsewhere in the article.
29 Cheng raises the question of darkness in Ein-
stein’s formalist theory and goes so far as to say that he
was able to “deduce the presence-before-appearance
hierarchy of value” from the formal structure of African
sculpture. This is a dangerous game. She draws paral-
lels to Susan Vogel’s arguments about how the visibility
of art is carefully regulated among the Baule (1997).
Jedoch, even among the Baule, the ritual owner for
restricted sculptures may hold, caress, and examine
them closely. Restricting access is not equivalent to Ein-
stein’s model of worshipping the object in the dark.

30 I thank Noam Elcott and Ioannis Mylonopoulos

for debating with me the role of darkness in art histori-
cal writing. See Elcott’s forthcoming publication, Artifi-
cial Darkness: An Art and Media History, 1876–1930.

31 Zum Beispiel, Hirn 1900 and Grosse 1902. An

the ornament debate, see Rampley 2005:255–56.

32 Loos 1964:19. Loos first published his essay
“Ornament and Crime” in French in 1913; Jedoch,
he delivered public lectures on the topic beginning in
Berlin in 1909 and the “substance of his arguments” was
developed in talks delivered from the turn of the cen-
tury. See Long 2009 for clarification of the chronology
of lectures and formal essay.

33 An exception was in Belgium, where a flurry
of publications appeared on cicatrization in the Congo
Free State, 1892–97. In a provocative article, Debora
Silverman argues that Art Nouveau artist Henry Van
de Velde took inspiration from this literature for his
work in the 1890s, culminating in his formulation that
“ornament is the scarification of the object” (2012:176).
Einstein was unlikely to have had access to the Belgian
material before his posting to Brussels.

I thank Eberhard Fischer for his many insights

into this final section.

35 Lévy-Bruhl (1926 [1910]:99–100). Preceding this

Diskussion, Lévy-Bruhl makes reference to blizzards,
breezes, winds, rivers, and tigers (ibid., S. 98–99).
Could this be the source for Einstein’s list of transforma-
tions into “a cat, a river, and weather” (2004 [1915]:137)?
36 Persönliche Kommunikation, UCLA, Frühling 2005.
I am not arguing that Einstein invented the
37

transformation hypothesis but that he gave early expres-
sion to it. It is hard to document influence from the
text of Negerplastik (as opposed to the photographs) An
other authors before the 1990s.

I thank Jonathan Fine for alerting me to the

importance of philosophical terms in Negerplastik.

39 Kiefer gives a wonderful analysis of sources for
the term “metamorphosis” in Einstein’s work (1987:159–
64). He argues that the appearance of the term marks
an inversion of Einstein’s formalist or ethnological
methodologies, whereas I see it as a continuation of his
interest in “transformation.” For more on metamorpho-
Schwester, see Lichtenstern 1998 and Zeidler 2010.

40 “dominé par le besoin de détruire sa personne
(…) dominé, en d’autres mots, par le principe métamor-
phe” (Einstein 1934:137–38).

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

4
6
4
8
1
7
3
6
0
4
6
A
A
R
_
A
_
0
0
1
0
4
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

AF464_08-21_CS6.indd 20

8/23/13 2:17 BIN

References cited

Baacke, Rolf-Peter, Hrsg. 1980. Carl Einstein Werke, Band 1
(1908–18). Berlin: Medusa.

_______. 1990. Carl Einstein Materialien, Band 1. Berlin:
Silver & Goldstein.

Bassani, Ezio. 1998. “Les œuvres illustrées dans Neger-
plastik (1915) et dans Afrikanische Plastik (1921).” Etudes
germaniques 53 (Jan.–March):99–121. (With the co-
authorship of Jean-Louis Paudrat for the Annexe, 114–21).

Bergstein, Maria. 1992. “Lonely Aphrodites: Auf der
Documentary Photography of Sculpture.” Art Bulletin
74 (3):475–98.

Bohrer, Frederick. 2002. “Photographic Perspectives:
Photography and the Institutional Formation of Art
History.” In Art History and Its Institutions, Hrsg. Elizabeth
Masnfield, S. 246–59. New York: Routledge.

Burke, Edmund. 1968. A Philosophical Enquiry into the
Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful. Notre
Dame: University of Notre Dame Press. Work originally
published 1757.

Buraud, Georges. 1948. Les masques. Paris: Editions du
Seuil.

Caillois, Roger. 1961. Man, Play, and Games. Chicago:
University of Illinois Press. Work originally published
1958.

Cartailhac, Émile. 1902. “‘Mea Culpa’ d’un sceptique.”
L’Anthropologie 13:348–54.

Cheng, Joyce. 2009. “Immanence Out of Sight: Formal
Rigor and Ritual Function in Carl Einstein’s Neger-
plastik.” Res: Journal of Anthropology and Aesthetics
55/56:87–102.

Cole, Herbert M. 1985. “Introduction.” In I Am not Myself.
Los Angeles: UCLA Museum of Cultural History.

de Brosses, Charles. 1760. Du culte des dieux fétiches.
Paris.

Didi-Huberman, Georges. 1998. “L’anachronisme fab-
rique l’histoire: sur l’inactualité de Carl Einstein.” Etudes
germaniques 53 (Jan.–March):29–54.

Durkheim, Emile, and Marcel Mauss. 1963. Primitive
Classification, trans. Rodney Needham. Chicago: Univer-
sity of Chicago Press. Work originally published 1901–02.

Einstein, Carl. 1915. Negerplastik. Leipzig: Weissen
Bücher. Second edition: München: Kurt Wolff, 1920.

_______. 1921. Afrikanische Plastik, Bd. 7. Berlin: Orbis
Pictus.

_______. 1922. La sculpture africaine, trans. Thérèse &
Raymond Burgard. Paris: G. Crès. Work originally pub-
lished 1921; translation of Afrikanische Plastik (1921).

_______. 1925. Afrikanische Legenden. Berlin: Ernst
Rowohlt.

_______. 1934. Georges Braques, trad. M.E. Zipruth.
Paris: Éditions des Chroniques du jour.

Frazer, James. 1913. The Golden Bough, 3rd ed. London:
Macmillan.

Frobenius, Leo. 1898. “Der westafrikanische Kul-
turkreis.” Petermanns Geographische Mitteilungen
44:193–204, 265–71.

_______. 1912–13. Und Afrika Sprach… 3 vols. Berlin: Vita.

_______. 2009. “Ancient and Recent African Art,” trans.
Claudia Heide. Art in Translation 1 (2):189–97. Work
originally published 1912.

Gikandi, Simon. 2006. “Picasso, Africa and the Sche-
mata of Difference.” In Beautiful/Ugly, Hrsg. Sarah Nuttall,
S. 30–59, 395–96. Durham NC: Duke University Press.
Work originally published 2003.

Groenen, Marc. 1994. Pour une histoire de la préhistoire.
Grenoble: Editions Jérôme Millon.

Grosse, E. 1902. Les Débuts de l’art. Paris: Félix Alcan.

Grossman, Wendy A. 2006. “Photography at the Cross-
Straßen: African Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduc-
tion.” In Die Schau des Fremden, Hrsg. Cordula Grewe, S.
317–40. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner.

_______. 2007. “From Ethnographic Object to Modern-
ist Icon: Photographs of African and Oceanic Sculp-
ture.” Visual Resources 23 (4):291–336.

_______. 2009. “Introduction.” In Man Ray, African
Kunst, and the Modernist Lens, Hrsg. Wendy Grossman, S.
1–125. Washington, Gleichstrom: International Art and Artists.

Hirn, Yrjö. 1900. The Origins of Art. London: Macmillan.

Jahn, Jens, Hrsg. 1994. Tanzania: Meisterwerke Afri-
kanischer Skulptur. Münich: Fred Jahn Verlag.

Kiefer, Klaus H. 1987. “Fonctions de l’art africains dans
l’oeuvre de Carl Einstein.” In Images de l’africain de
l’antiquité au XXe siècle, Hrsg. Daniel Droixhe and Klaus
Kiefer, S. 149–76. Frankfurt am Main: Lang.

Laude, Jean. 1961. “‘L’Esthétique de Carl Einstein.”
Médiations 3:83–91.

_______. 1968. La Peinture française et “l’Art nègre.”
Paris: Klincksieck.

Leighten, Patricia. 1990. “The White Peril and l’Art
nègre: Picasso, Primitivism, and Anti-colonialism.” Art
Bulletin 72 (4):609–30.

Lévy-Bruhl, Lucien. 1926. How Natives Think, trans. Lil-
ian Clare. Salem, NH: Ayer. Work originally published
1910.

_______. 1963. Le surnaturel et la nature dans la men-
talité primitive. Paris: Presses Universitaires. Work origi-
nally published 1931.

Lichtenstern, Christa. 1998. “Einsteins Begriff der ‘meta-
morphotischen Identifikation.’” Etudes germaniques 53
(Jan.–March):237–49.

Long, Christopher. 2009. “The Origins and Context of
Adolf Loos’s ‘Ornament and Crime.’” Journal of the Soci-
ety of Architectural Historians 68:2, 201–23.

_______. 2004. “Negro Sculpture,” trans. Charles W.
Haxthausen and Sebastian Zeidler, Oktober 107 (Win-
ter):122–45. Translation of Negerplastik (1915).

Loos, Adolf. 1964. “Ornament and Crime.” In Programs
and Manifestos on 20th Century Architecture, Hrsg. Ulrich
Conrad, S. 19–25. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Eliade, Mircea. 1964. “Masks.” In Encyclopedia of World
Kunst, Bd. 9, cols. 520–25, 568. London: McGraw-Hill.

Lubbock, John. 1871. The Origin of Civilisation. Neu

York: D. Appleton.

Markov, Vladimir [=Voldemārs Matvejs]. 2009. “Negro
Kunst,” trans. Jeremy Howard. Art in Translation 1:1,
77–117. Work originally published 1919.

Meffre, Liliane. 2002. Carl Einstein: Itinéraires d’une
pensée moderne. Paris: Université de Paris-Sorbonne.

Neumeister, Heike M. 2008. “Notes on the ‘Ethno-
graphic Turn’ of the European Avant-Garde: Reading
Carl Einstein’s Negerplastik (1915) and Vladimir Markov’s
Iskusstvo Negrov (1919).” Acta Historiae Artium 49: 172–85.

Neumeister, Heike M. 2012. “Masks and Shadow Souls—
Carl Einstein’s Collaboration with Thomas A. Joyce, Die
British Museum, and Documents.” In Carl Einstein und
die europäische Avantgarde, Hrsg. Nicola Creighton and
Andreas Kramer, S. 135–69. Berlin: De Gruyter.

Nicodemus, Everlyn. 1993. “Meeting Carl Einstein.”
Third Text 23:31–38.

Notes analytiques sur les collections ethnographiques.
1906. Annales du Musée du Congo (Tervuren), Ethnog-
raphie et Anthropologie (série 3), tome 1, fasc. 2 (Les
Arts—Religion). Juli 1906.

Paudrat, Jean-Louis. 1984. “From Africa.” In “Primitiv-
ism” in 20th Century Art, Hrsg. William Rubin, Bd. 1, S.
125–75. New York: Museum of Modern Art.

Pernet, Henry. 1992. Ritual Masks. Columbia: Universität
of South Carolina Press.

Rampley, Matthew. 2005. “The Ethnographic Sublime.”
Res: Journal of Anthropology & Aesthetics 47:251–63.

Reinach, Salomon. 1903. “L’Art et la magie: A propos
des peintures et des gravures de l’age du Renne.”
L’Anthropologie 14:257–66.

Riegl, Alois. 1992. Problems of Style. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press.

Rosny, J.-H. 1977. La Guerre du Feu. Paris: Presses de la
Cité. Work originally published 1911.

Sekula, Allan. 1983. “Photography Between Labour and
Capital.” In Mining Photographs, Hrsg. Benjamin H.D.
Buchloh and Robert Wilkie, S. 193–268. Halifax: Nova
Scotia College of Art & Design.

Silverman, Debora L. 2012. “Art Nouveau, Art of Dark-
ness: African Lineages of Belgian Modernism, Part II.”
West 86th 19 (2):175–95.

Spencer, Balduin, and F.J. Gillen. 1899. Native Tribes of
Central Australia. London: MacMillan.

Streck, Bernhard. 1995. “Leo Frobenius et l’Afrique.” In
Masques, S. 245–57. Paris: Musée Dapper.

Strother, Z.S. 2002. Dancing a Topic to Death: Nach
100 Years of Research, What Do We Really Know about
Masquerade in Africa? Paper delivered at “Visualizing
Africa,” University of Michigan Museum of Art.

Tylor, E.B. 1871. Primitive Culture. London: John Murray.

Van Wyk, Gary. 2013. Shangaa! Art of Tanzania. New York:
QCC Art Gallery Press, City University of New York.

Vogel, Susan Mullin. 1997. Baule. New Haven: Yale
Universitätsverlag.

Zeidler, Sebastian. 2010. “Form as Revolt.” Res: Zeitschrift
of Anthropology and Aesthetics 57/58:229–63.

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
A
A
R
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D