In the Name of Human - Am MIT spezialisierte KI-Forschung

In the Name of Human
Adaptation: Japanese
American “Hybrid
Children” and Racial
Anthropology in
Postwar Japan

Jaehwan Hyun
Pusan National University,
Südkorea

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

By focusing on the emergence and integration of “hybrid children” (konketsuji)
anthropology into the Human Adaptability section of the International Biolog-
ical Program (HA-IBP) in Japan during the 1950s and 1970s, this paper
presents how transnational dynamics and mechanisms played out in shaping and
maintaining the racist aspects while simultaneously allowed them to be included
in the HA-IBP framework. It argues that Japanese anthropologists operated a
double play between their national and transnational spaces, das ist, they atten-
uated racist aspects of their research in their international activities while
authenticating race in their national work. This paper will conclude with reﬂec-
tions on the transnational nationalism of konketsuji anthropology.

Einführung

1.
Im September 1965, Suda Akiyoshi (1900–1990), anthropologist at the
Universität Tokio, reported a 15-year observation of physical growth
in “American-Japanese hybrid children” at an international symposium
on human adaptability held in Kyoto, Japan.1 The term “hybrid children”

I wish to thank Ageliki Lefkadti, Amir Teicher, Edna Suárez Díaz, Elise K. Burton, Iris Clever,
Jon Røyne Kyllingstad, Ricardo Roque, Soraya de Chadarevian, Thiago Pinto Barbosa, Und
the anonymous referees for their insightful suggestions. Thanks also to Cathleen Paethe and
Ruth Kessentini for helping me consult archival materials in and outside of the MPWIG.
This work was supported by a 2-Year Research Grant from Pusan National University.

1. All Korean and Japanese names in this article are listed surname ﬁrst, followed by
the given name. I transliterate names following the persons’ preferences as stated in their
English written publications.

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft 2022, Bd. 30, NEIN. 1
© 2022 vom Massachusetts Institute of Technology

https://doi.org/10.1162/posc_a_00406

167

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

168

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

was an English translation of konketsuji, a derogatory reference used to
describe the Japanese children of US soldiers stationed in Japan, particu-
larly during the US military occupation in 1945–1952. In this report,
Suda had no qualms about using racist terms such as “Negro hybrids”
and “pure Japanese” to classify his research subjects. His conclusion
seemed traditionally eugenicist, if not racist: “The larger teeth or the
smaller jaws, is basically responsible for such a disharmony in the dental
arch of the Negro hybrids” (Suda, Kondo, and Sato 1966).

Previous literature has considered Suda’s konketsuji anthropology as a
belated, isolated eugenic enterprise occurring in a non-Western country.2
Zum Beispiel, historians Sakano (2009) and Roebuck (2015) have specu-
lated that Suda’s remarks were based on the “disharmony” theory devised
by American eugenicist Charles Davenport (1866–1944) and refuted by
American anthropologist Harry L. Shapiro (1902–1990) before World
War II. In examining the prewar history of race mixing studies in Hawaii,
historian Warwick Anderson points out that, in den Vereinigten Staaten, bereits
in the 1930s race mixing was no longer considered a “compelling biolog-
ical problem” (Anderson 2012, P. 104).3 This story ﬁts well in the com-
mon account of a postwar transition from scientiﬁc racism to population
genetic research on human difference, which coincided with the fall of
Nazi Germany (Stephan 1982; Barkan 1992). Along this line, previous
scholars have overlooked the effect that internationally shared scientiﬁc
inquiry might have had on Suda’s interest in konketsuji studies domestic,
ideological concerns with pure-blood nationalism in Japan. In der Tat, mit
the end of Allied occupation in 1952, the Japanese government tried to
build a new nation-state based on the mythical idea of the Japanese nation
bound by a uniﬁed bloodline (Oguma 2002). In diesem Kontext, the mixed-
blood (konketsu) of the “Negro hybrid children” was considered to pose a
threat to postwar nation-building due to its potential to disintegrate the
pure bloodline of Japan ( junketsu) (Roebuck 2016). Reacting to this
nationalistic response to konketsuji, Suda and other Japanese intellectuals
turned their attention to the study of children’s race mixing (Sakano
2009; Roebuck 2015).

Recent literature exploring postwar human diversity studies has
renewed race mixture studies as well as the common account. The term
“population” newly suggested by postwar geneticists and anthropologists

In historical literature in Japanese eugenics, the postwar continuance of prewar
eugenic thought and practices has been widely reported (Zenji 1983; Schaffner 2014;
Yokoyama 2015).

3. Caballero and Aspinall (2018) describe that biological discussions on and interests

in race-crossing seem to have stabilized and come to an end in the mid-1960s.

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

169

was in fact a new race concept, set in the same problematic framework,
despite their ofﬁcial rejection of racism (Reardon 2005). This applies
not only to the race concept itself, but also the research methods and con-
ceptual tools used in prewar race science that were maintained in postwar
human population studies (Lipphardt 2014). The role of the International
Biological Program (IBP, 1964–1974), the global research initiative to col-
lect and standardize biological data from all living organisms, in allowing
the reintroduction of race concepts to science, has been newly addressed as
well.4 The Human Adaptability section of the IBP (HA-IBP) was the ﬁrst
worldwide study of human variation and thus crucial in shaping the
research direction in various ﬁelds of human biology from the 1960s
onwards. In their HA-IBP projects US anthropologists and geneticists
focused on so-called “primitive” peoples and race concepts returned to sci-
ence as a result of their research process (Radin 2018). This reintroduction
was enabled by the practical and epistemic rationale of the global project:
the HA-IBP leaders, who collected and summarized the heterogeneous
dataset using different racial and ethnic categories from around the world,
instrumentally maintained “the agnosticism towards the ontological sta-
tus” of those categories (Molina 2017, P. 657). This allowed them to
facilitate international collaboration instead of becoming embroiled in
interminable arguments regarding the reality of race concepts.

In der Zwischenzeit, echoing with a renewed account of the postwar shift of
racial thinking, the postwar history of anthropological and genetic research
in Lusophone and Spanish speaking countries has challenged the narrative
of the postwar decline of race mixture studies. In Brazil and Mexico, Wo
race mixture (mestizaje in Spanish and mestiçagem in Portuguese) was central
to the narration of their historical nation formation, scientists carried out
race mixing studies intensively (Wade 2017; Anderson, Roque, and Santos
2019; de Souza and Santos 2014; Dent and Santos 2019).

This paper revisits the history of konkestuji anthropology by paying par-
ticular attention to the transnational dimension of the postwar Japanese
Forschung, engaging with the global historiography as described above.5
The previous literature on konketsuji anthropology has overlooked its inter-
Aktion, albeit equivocal, with a transnational research initiative in human
Variation. Suda’s seemingly outdated eugenic work was published in the
context of an international workshop titled “Human Adaptability and
Its Methodology” sponsored by the HA-IBP ( Yoshimura and Weiner
1966). Rather than outdated, Suda’s paper was part of the cutting-edge

4.
5.

For the general account of the IBP, see Aronova et al. 2010.
For the use of the term “transnational,” see the introduction of this issue. Siehe auch

Turchetti, Herran, and Boudia (2012) and Krige (2019).

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

170

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

workshop looking for the transnational enterprise’s common research
topics and approaches. Außerdem, his students later developed a konket-
suji research project within the HA-IBP framework of physical growth
studies and successfully integrated into the global initiative by initiating
a bilateral cooperation project with US physiologists in the early 1970s.
This old, Japanese scientist was not alone in committing to the race mix-
ture studies at that time.

Andererseits, some parts of Suda’s work would certainly have been
considered unacceptable by “mainstream” contemporary race mixing stud-
ies since his interpretation seemed to attest to the negative effects of mis-
cegenation. For postwar anthropologists and geneticists supporting the
revised UNESCO statement on the Nature of Race and Race Differences
In 1951, race mixing was ofﬁcially considered biologically “at worst harm-
less” (Provine 1973, P. 796). Insbesondere, in the context of the rise of the
civil rights movement in the United States, leading anthropologists and
geneticists in the HA-IBP took an anti-racist position claiming for the
non-harmfulness of miscegenation (Radin 2018, P. 494). Mit anderen Worten,
publicly, these scientists were anti-racists within the contemporary context
of race politics but in their science they maintained their racialist beliefs in
the biological existence of racial differences.6 From their perspective,
Suda’s conclusion about the “disharmony” of hybrid children’s teeth would
have echoed racist claims. Given the complicated circumstances, manche
questions are raised: if Suda’s pessimistic view of miscegenation was not
shared by contemporary race mixing researchers, where did it come from?
Were pure-blood nationalist and eugenic concerns about konketsuji in post-
war Japan the only rationale driving Suda and his colleagues to maintain
such a negative view? Außerdem, how did Suda and his Japanese
colleagues cope with the tension created by their own and their foreign
collaborators’ conﬂicting viewpoints toward race mixing?

By focusing on the emergence and integration of konketsuji anthropol-
ogy into the HA-IBP programs, this paper presents how transnational
dynamics and mechanisms played out in shaping and maintaining the rac-
ist aspects while simultaneously allowed them to be included in the
HA-IBP framework. It argues that Japanese anthropologists operated a
double play between their domestic (or national) and transnational
spaces—that is, they attenuated racist aspects of their research in their
international activities while authenticating race in their national work.

I follow Staffan Müller-Wille’s distinction between racialism and racism while
taking the ﬁrst as racial realism, not necessarily entailing racist ideas such as racial hierar-
chies (Müller-Wille 2014). Brattain (2007) Ansprüche, andererseits, that scientists’ racialist
attitude allowed scientiﬁc racism to re-emerge in public discourse in the United States.

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

171

The Japanese scientists were eager to promote transnational collaboration
in order to save national science from wartime isolationism and to move
toward later being recognized as “model” members of international sci-
enz. Gleichzeitig, they wanted to maintain their traditional under-
standing of human differences as it ﬁtted with the pure-blood ideology
widespread in postwar Japan. These contradictory tendencies led them
to using a double-play—distinguishing linguistically, depending on the
context and publication language—in their national and international
writings.7

In order to discuss the above point, this paper proceeds in the following
Befehl. It ﬁrst presents konketsuji as they were initially considered and the
so-called nisei—Japanese immigrant children living in the Americas and
Japanese colonial territories—in a growth studies context from the prewar
Zeitraum. It also looks into the way in which both terms became exclusively
used to refer to Japanese-American children and what the impact of the
change to initiating konkestuji research was in the postwar period. Zweite,
it illuminates how Suda’s interaction with American racist anthropologists
continued to shape his postwar research throughout the 1950s. Dritte, Es
observes the way in which his successors integrated konketsuji anthropology
into the HA-IBP program via the double-play that manifested in the
difference between their publications in different languages. A ﬂexible
use of the term “human adaptation” was one of the sources that Japanese
anthropology could link to the transnational initiative while allowing
Japanese researchers to maintain racist typologies and a negative view of
miscegenation.

2.
From Children for Imperial Eugenics to Children of Occupation Soldiers
In imperial Japan, race mixing was a hotbed of eugenic debate but not
necessarily with negative connotations. When eugenic thoughts took a
place in 1880s’ Japan, Japanese intellectuals suggested race mixing
between the Japanese and white races as a way of improving Japanese phy-
siques. Some Japanese popularizers even believed that miscegenation
between “biologically similar races would be eugenically superior to both
original populations,” so that after Japan colonized Korea in 1910, Sie
actively promoted intermarriages between the Japanese and colonial Asians
(Hyun 2019, P. 493). Their support of racial mixing was in harmony
with the Japanese assimilation policy (dōka seisaku), which was more

It would be another version of transnational isolationism that historian Ricardo
Roque suggests in his case study of the postwar enterprise of Portuguese anthropobiology.
See Roque, in this issue.

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

172

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

ofﬁcially promoted after nationwide anti-Japanese protests in colonial
Korea in 1919.

It wasn’t until the 1930s that eugenic concerns about race mixing were
seriously raised. It corresponded with the period when colonial Korean and
Taiwanese jobseekers moved in great numbers to mainland Japan and the
number of colonial konketsuji increased signiﬁcantly as a result of the
Japanese Empire’s decade-long assimilation policy as mentioned above.
It coincided with the establishment of the Japanese Society of Racial
Hygiene (nippon minzoku eisei gakkai) and its academic journal Minzoku Eisei
In 1930. Although some popular eugenicists still maintained their support
of the eugenic beneﬁts of race mixing, eugenicists in the society with
anthropology backgrounds decided to perform physical and intellectual
tests on konketsuji to scientiﬁcally assess the potential threat of miscegena-
tion to the Japanese race (Hyun 2019, S. 493–494).

Ishihara Fusao (1883–1974) was the central ﬁgure, devoting his aca-
demic life to studying the physical growth of konketsuji.8 Ishihara was a
graduate of and former professor in the Department of Hygiene at Tokyo
Imperial University Medical School. He sat on the editorial board for
Minzoku Eisei in 1930 and set scientiﬁc research on konketsuji born to
Japanese colonizers and colonized Asians as one of the most urgent scien-
tiﬁc issues for his journal (Ishihara 1964). Laut ihm, the physical
and intellectual development of konketsuji should be monitored to gauge
the inﬂuence of miscegenation on the quality of the Japanese racial stock.
Ishihara was able to put it into practice when, In 1933, he was appointed
Director of Tokyo Metropolitan Hygienic Institute, a governmental agency
responsible for public health and hygiene practices in the metropolis.
Exercising his governmental power to scrutinize Tokyo residents in the
name of public hygiene, Ishihara kept records on the children born to
colonial Chinese men and Japanese women living in the Tokyo area. Er
measured their bodies and compared the data with that taken from “pure
Japanese” children. Ishihara and his colleague concluded that there was no
decisive evidence of physical and intellectual degeneration for the colonial
konketsuji. They supposed that the biggest problem might be the children’s
lack of patriotism in the wartime context (Ishihara and Sato 1941).

Previous literature on the history of konketsuji research has overlooked
that Ishihara had already taken physical measurements of nisei living in
Hawaii and California much earlier. Aus 1930 An, with help from

8. The Japanese surname “石原” can be pronounced in two ways: Ishiwara and
Ishihara. Although Roebuck (2015) chose “Ishiwara” for his name’s transliteration, Hier
I use “Ishihara” because “Ishihara Fusao” is the name the Japanese scientist put in his article
(Ishihara 1956).

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

173

Japanese immigrant physicians residing in those regions, he traveled to the
United States to start measuring nisei’s bodies. The rationale for nisei
research was to look for the “pure” growth traits of the Japanese race
and ascertain the optimal hygiene conditions for stimulating the develop-
ment of those traits. Ishihara found, zum Beispiel, that Hawaiian and
Californian nisei had shorter sitting heights, but that their bodies were
seemingly as well-shaped as those of “Caucasian white” children. He spec-
ulated that it was the ﬂoor-based culture, imported from ancient China
that had stunted the development of the Japanese “pure” body shape,
which had originally resembled that of the “white” race (Ishihara 1933).
The physical growth studies of nisei and konkestuji were inseparable for
Ishihara because both were vital to obtaining an understanding of the
“pure” quality of the Japanese stock and its eugenic future. Contemporary
konketsuji researchers shared the same faith but for different reasons.
Taniguchi Toratoshi (1902–1963), anthropological expert of “mixed-
bloodness” at the time, conducted anthropometric research on Japanese
settler’s children simultaneously with konketsuji due to concerns about
the inﬂuence of the harsh colonial territory environments on the growth
of the children of Japanese settlers (Taniguchi 1942).

The defeat of Japan in the Paciﬁc War in August 1945 and the subse-
quent collapse of the Japanese Empire rearticulated the social and scientiﬁc
understanding of these children. This was also evident for konketsuji.
Hundreds of thousands of American servicemen married young local
women and their babies were celebrated as “the Occupation present,”
the embodiment of the love and friendship between Japan and the United
States during the occupation period (Koshiro 1999, P. 159). Unglücklich-
natürlich, but expectedly, thousands of these “occupation babies” were aban-
doned by their American fathers on leaving Japan when US occupation
ended in 1952. Their mothers were socially despised having served as
“prostitutes” for American troops and sometimes labeled national traitors
threatening the Japanese pure bloodline, resulting in them frequently leav-
ing their children behind in an attempt to hide their past love affairs. Solch
hatred, in particular directed at black konketsuji and their mothers, was an
outcome of the nationalistic reaction of the “foreign” occupation and anti-
black racial attitudes widespread among the Japanese public at the time
(Roebuck 2016).

The abandonment of konketsuji became a signiﬁcant social concern in the
early post-occupation period. A year after the end of occupation, Die
Japanese government announced a nationwide survey to assess the magni-
tude of the problem. Its primary aim was to ﬁgure out the quantitative
number of abandoned hybrid children, identify possible social problems,
and seek resolutions—either overseas adoption or segregated education

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

174

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

with a presumption that the children were foreigners as they did not have
pure Japanese blood. The national survey committee deﬁned konketsuji as
“the children born to foreign military personnel and Japanese women from
the end of the Paciﬁc War onward.” Colonial konketsuji, Japanese children
born to a Korean or Chinese parent and a Japanese parent were excluded
because they were considered phenotypically identical to “pure” Japanese
(Simoji-Lawrence 2018, S. 82-3). Nisei underwent a similar but less rad-
ical transformation. Japanese settler children were redeﬁned as repatriates,
because the colonies in which they had settled no longer existed. In the US
military occupation context, among the children of Japanese immigrants
in North and South America, nisei became the descriptor of those residing
in the United States.9

Ishihara continued his konketsuji and nisei research in the transition
Zeitraum. He became a principal investigator for the government-funded
Projekt, “Anthropometric Inﬂuences of Emigration and Blood Mixture
on Japanese Race,” initiated as part of the governmental response to the
“konketsuji problem” in 1952.10 In diesem Projekt, Ishihara conﬁned his
konketsuji research subject to the children born to American soldiers and
Japanese women and his work on nisei to American-born Japanese children
( Jinmonken 1954). Although the research subject became conﬁned to
Japanese American children, it was exactly the same kind of research that
he had done before the war and its objective was to contribute to the
“racial improvement” (minzoku kaizen) of the Japanese stock. His team
therefore investigated “the change of Japanese physiques as a result of race
mixing” and “the improved physical ﬁtness of the American-born immi-
grant children by immigration (Umfeld)” ( Jinmonken 1954). His
conclusion was no different to the one drawn from his prewar nisei research:
the shorter leg length and longer sitting height of the native Japanese
compared to the American-born Japanese, was a result of the ﬁrst group’s
sedentary habit of daily life. For the occupation babies, their age was at
most around eight years old so that he inconclusively speculated that there

For the role of American nisei as cultural liaisons between American military ofﬁ-
cials in occupied Japan, see Nakamura (2008). It is also worth noting that the Japanese
government had ofﬁcially promoted their citizens’ migration to South America from the
late nineteenth century on, but the Japanese interest in nisei in Brazil or other South Amer-
ican countries was comparatively much lower than interest in nisei in the United States
before the late 1980s.

10. The starting point of this project is debatable. According to Ishihara’s introduc-
tion of the project in the popular science journal Iden (Heredity), it began in 1952 (Ishihara
1953). Yet the project’s explanation in the ofﬁcial report stated that it had already started in
1948 (Jinmonken 1954). A possible explanation for this is that Ishihara had privately con-
ducted research on konketsuji from 1948 and then began ofﬁcially funded research from
1952 onward.

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

175

would be some possible “disharmony” in physical development, particu-
larly among “Negro” konketsuji, as American eugenicist Davenport had
suggested (Jinmonken 1954).

In this respect, Ishihara’s postwar konketusji research was indeed an out-
dated eugenic project as identiﬁed by previous scholars. Das, Jedoch,
does not apply to Suda’s work. Despite superﬁcial similarities, Suda’s
anthropometric research on konketsuji had quite different origins. His work
was shaped by transnational exchange with American racial anthropolo-
gists in the post-occupation period.

The Konketsuji Orphanage and American Anthropologists

3.
Suda and his anthropologist colleagues at the University of Tokyo became
involved with konketsuji in 1949 when Ishihara asked for his assistance
with anthropometric research, but their own project took place in 1951
(Suda and Hoshi 1970; Suda et al. 1965). Ishihara had already begun
collaborating with Sawada Miki (1901–1980), a social activist and the
founder of a konketsuji orphanage, the Elizabeth Saunders Home in Oiso,
Kanazawa, In 1948. As a response to the “mixed children problem,” social
activists established orphanages exclusively for housing konketsuji aban-
doned by their American fathers. Sawada’s home was one of the earliest
and biggest orphan asylums for abandoned mixed-blood children. Mit
Sawada’s endorsement, Ishihara brought Suda and Tokyo anthropologists
to the orphanage; Suda also obtained Sawada’s permission to conduct long-
term anthropometric research on the orphans (Suda 1952). Retrospectively,
for Suda, the biggest advantage of this study was that the environment for
the child subjects was strictly controlled: “the children living under
exactly the same living conditions” and having “the same meals, the same
facilities of various kinds” (Suda 1968, P. 92). The orphanage was the best
place to observe how race-crossing impacted growth without having to
deal with concerns about environmental inﬂuences.

It was while Suda was developing his research framework for studying
konketusji that Reginald Ruggles Gates (1882–1962) visited the home for
Forschungszwecke. Although trained in botany, the Canadian-born eugen-
icist and former professor of biology at King’s College London had been
studying race mixing since the late 1920s. Owing to his convictions that
race mixing was a eugenic threat and that anti-racist propagandists were
distorting and polluting academic science, Gates was quickly ostracized
from mainstream genetics and the anthropology community in the post-
war period. In spite of such academic isolation, the retired professor was
named a fellow at the Department of Anthropology, Harvard Universität,
and the Peabody Museum of Natural History, at the urging of his col-
league Earnest Hooton (1887–1954) (Schaffer 2007). His Cambridge

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

176

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

proﬁle appealed to Japanese scholars eager for a partnership with the
American scientiﬁc community in the context of the postwar “reconstruc-
tion” of Japanese science. During wartime, Japanese academia was isolated
from the international scientiﬁc community, in particular from Anglo-
phone scholars, and this continued until the late 1940s. For that reason,
Japanese scientists strived to reconnect themselves to the international
community by increasing scientiﬁc exchange in diverse forms, zum Beispiel,
dispatching young Japanese scholars to the US research institutions and
inviting prominent American researchers to Japan throughout the 1950s
(Iida 2010). Both the Japanese government and US private foundations,
including the Rockefeller Foundation, actively supported such exchange.
Gates’ visit to Japan was understood in this context and thus warmly wel-
comed by Japanese scientists. They respected him as an “honorable Amer-
ican anthropologist” committed to the study of race mixing while working
at prestigious universities in London, England and Cambridge,
Massachusetts.11

Gates’ two-month visit to Japan in the spring of 1954 consisted of a
series of university lectures on race crossing, interviews with newspapers,
and his study of konketsuji and the Ainu people, an indigenous ethnic
Gruppe, in appearance resembling Europeans more closely than the Japa-
nese. Senior geneticists at the National Institute of Genetics, Mishima,
arranged his itinerary.12 They ensured Gates’ access to the Elizabeth
Sanders Home and secured the assistance of Ishihara’s team.13

Suda helped Gates to study his konketsuji research subject at the orphan-
age during his Japanese trip (Gates 1958, P. 129). He also invited Gates to
deliver a lecture on color inheritance at his institution.14 In 1933, Suda
had written a textbook on race classiﬁcation relying heavily on Gate’s pre-
war research. The textbook surveyed the worldwide research on skin, eye,
and hair color and hair texture as “racial characteristics” (Rassenmerkmal)
and race classiﬁcation based on the data (Matsumura and Suda 1933,

11.

Letter from Oshima Kanshiro to R. Ruggles Gates, Mai 17, 1954, Reginald Rug-
gles Gates MSS, Liddell Hart Archive, King’s College London (hereafter RRG), Kasten 7,
Folder 22-2, Teil 6. Young Japanese geneticists would have been skeptical of Gates’ theory
of race mixing and his theories of human genetics (in fact, eugenics). But not all Japanese
biologists challenged Gates’ lecture and theory, so this encouraged Gates to think of himself
as an important international ﬁgure. For Gates’ thought on his fame in Japan, see his diary
“Japan 1954”, RRG, Kasten 2, Folder 5, Teil 1.

12. Letter from Shinotou Yoshito to R. Ruggles Gates, Feb 23, 1954, RRG, Kasten 7,

Folder 22-2.

13. Letter from Komai Taku to R. Ruggles Gates, Jan 30, 1954, RRG, Kasten 7, Folder

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

22-2, Teil 1.

14.

“Dr. R. R. Gates’ Schedule at Tokyo (Marsch 15-22, 1954)”, RRG, Kasten 7, Folder

22-2, Teil 1.

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

177

P. 3). In the book, Gates’s work was intensively cited when discussing the
effect of race-crossing in the change of racial characteristics (Matsumura
and Suda 1933, S. 67–71). The postwar interaction with Gates would
have reinforced Suda’s prewar perspective of race and race mixing studies
as still academically valid.

It was Carleton S. Coon (1904–1981) who provided Suda’s team with a
theoretical backup for their postwar race-mixing research. Hooton’s stu-
dent and professor of anthropology at the University of Pennsylvania, Coon
sought to reconcile racial typologies with postwar physical anthropology
based on modern evolutionary synthesis (Goodman and Hammonds
2000). His book Races: A Study in the Problem of Race Formation in Man
(1950), co-written with Stanley M. Garn (1922–2007) and Joseph Birdsell
(1908–1994), was the ﬁrst attempt to explain racial classiﬁcation in terms
of evolutionary theory, and particularly human adaptation. Garn, a sup-
porter of new physical anthropology based on the evolutionary synthesis
and a genetic approach, moderated Coon’s racial tendency and resistance
to population genetics (Collopy 2015, P. 244). Coon and his colleagues
introduced thirty races as “the tentative list,” just as he had described in
the prewar period. The difference from the prewar work was that they
explained the process of race formation in terms of the interaction between
heredity and environment. Adaptation was the best rationale for explain-
ing the past and future of racial differentiation (Goodman and Hammonds
2000, P. 31). It was positively received as a turning point in physical
anthropology showing the acceptance of genetic thought and an evolution-
ary approach at least in the 1950s (Collopy 2015, S. 241–242).

Coon visited Japan in October 1956, as part of his world trip supported
by the US Air Force and LIFE Magazine. The Anthropological Society of
Japan invited him to deliver a lecture at the University of Tokyo and later
Coon accompanied Japanese anthropologists on his research visit to the
Ainu villages in Hokkaido where Suda was one of his travel companions
(Coon 1958, P. 30). Bedauerlicherweise, there is no documentation of Suda’s
interaction with Coon; yet Suda must have considered Coon’s Races a cru-
cial academic contribution, because he went on to translate it a year later
and used it as a replacement for his own prewar textbook on racial anthro-
pology (Suda and Kohara 1957). It soon became a new canon for postwar
Japanese anthropologists studying physical traits as racial characteristics.15
Owing to Coon’s Races, they could feel at ease continuing their prewar
racial research while still using genetic terms like genetic frequencies,

15. Even in the mid-1990s, physical anthropologist Yamaguchi Bin, who had been
trained at the University of Tokyo, placed Coon’s Races as an epoch-making text in the
history of race research ( Yamaguchi 1997).

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

178

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

isolated pools, and adaptation.16 Even The Origin of Races, which resulted in
Coon being ostracized from mainstream American anthropology after its
publication in 1962, was received by the Japanese anthropology commu-
nity without debate (Terada 1977). Gates and Coon’s work would become
the backbone of konketsuji anthropology, as we will see in the next section.

4. Race Classiﬁcation for Studying Human Adaptability
While interacting with American racial anthropologists, Suda’s team dil-
igently continued their konketsuji research. Aus 1951 onwards, they vis-
ited the orphanage twice a year to measure the children’s growth. Der
biannual examination included “anthropometric measures on 52 Artikel,
somatoscopic observations on eye, skin, hair, and other traits, dentitional
observations, photography, radiography, and other sorts of physical exam-
inations” (Suda et al. 1965, P. 22). Rudolf Martin’s (1864–1925) anthro-
pometric method was extensively used for the measurements, but new
methods were also adopted, such as X-raying and the Greulich-Pyle atlas
for bone age (Suda and Hoshi 1970, S. 149, 157–8). The number of
research subjects varied since as time went on many of the orphans were
adopted. The initial survey, during the 1950s, was carried out with around
150 children but by the mid-1960s the number had decreased to ﬁfty-
neun (Suda 1968, P. 89; Suda, Kondo, and Sato 1966, P. 27). They also
collected the data of American White and “pure” Japanese children and
nisei residing in San Francisco for the comparison of growth rates
(Suda, Kondo, and Sato 1966, P. 258–59). Endlich, they adopted
racial classiﬁcation—pure (einheimisch) Japanese and Negro and White
hybrids—endorsed by their American racial anthropologist colleagues
(Suda et al. 1965, S. 22-3; Suda 1968, P. 90; Suda, Kondo, and Sato
1966, P. 257).

Coon’s Races was the backbone of their understanding of race. Suda’s
team deﬁned race as “a genetically isolated population having different
genetic characteristics from other populations” (Suda and Hoshi 1970,
P. 122). For them, genetic characteristics were equal to “racial character-
istics,” and the miscegenation of two different races could form a new race
possessing the physical traits of both parent races. As Coon and colleagues
described in Races, they also claimed that all human races were hybrid and
that there was no “pure” race in the world, in contrast to Suda’s old racial
anthropology textbook explaining races ( jinshu) as distinct species (Suda
and Hoshi 1970, P. 122). Their reservations about genetic markers being
superior to anthropometric ones for racial classiﬁcation were also in line
with Coon’s position (Suda and Hoshi 1970, P. 122-3). Irrespective of

16. For the case of blood-group genetics in Japan, see Hyun (2019).

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

179

recognizing the difﬁculty of identifying appropriate markers as the stan-
dard for race classiﬁcation, Suda and his student assigned the “major races”
(dai-jinshu)—Caucasoid, Mongoloid, Negroid, and Primitive People like
Negrito—as taken for granted. Using the classiﬁcation of “major races,”
they put Japanese into a category of “yellow race”: the contemporary
Japanese population had been formed as a result of intermarriage between
neighboring ethnic groups that belonged to the Mongoloid group. As a
Ergebnis, modern Japanese did not have the racial characteristics of Caucasoid
or Negroid, even though they were “mixed-blood” (Suda and Hoshi 1970,
P. 124). Aus diesem Grund, they construed konketsuji as the ﬁrst genuine
mixed-race in contemporary Japan, comparable with Mestizo and Mulatto,
which had been forming in Latin America and Africa since the ﬁfteenth
Jahrhundert (Suda and Hoshi 1970, P. 124–5).

In terms of their connection to Coon’s work, it would be also worth not-
ing that their identiﬁcation of the racial origin of the children was very
problematic. Paternal lineages were hard to trace as the children had mostly
been abandoned by their parents. Suda’s team relied on the Japanese
mothers’ accounts of the paternal race if available, and in the worst case,
they resorted to identifying the fathers’ racial origin by inferring it from
the children’s skin and hair color and hair texture, eye color, and other
“racial characteristics” (Suda and Hoshi 1970, P. 127). In this respect, their
racial identiﬁcation and classiﬁcations were inherently circular.

Since their project proceeded under the Coonian vision, they saw their
work as concerned with human adaptation and thus it would be a deﬁn-
itive study in “the ﬁeld of human adaptability” (Suda, Kondo, and Sato
1966, P. 257). daher, Suda and his colleagues proudly submitted their
longitudinal observation research conducted at the konketsuji orphanage to
the “Human Adaptability and Its Methodology” workshop scheduled for
Kyoto in September 1965. The workshop was intended to assist Japanese
HA-IBP participants to articulate methodological and topical issues in
human adaptation research and help the Japanese national HA-IBP com-
mittee to identify possible regional research projects through a lively dis-
cussion with internationally renowned anthropologists and physiologists,
such as British environmental physiologist and HA-IBP Convener Joseph
Sidney Weiner (1915–1982) and the US HA-IBP’s leading anthropologist
Paul Thornell Baker (1927–2007). In der Tat, physiological adaptation-
centered projects in the Japanese HA-IBP program, were established a year
später, mostly based on the outcomes of the 1965 Werkstatt (Yoshimura
1975). This international event and subsequent scientiﬁc collaboration
with “scientiﬁcally advanced” countries through the IBP framework were
crucial in order to restore Japanese scientists’ conﬁdence in their own sci-
entiﬁc capabilities, conﬁdence which had been lost for a while as a result of

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

180

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

wartime isolation. Presenting their research as internationally recognized,
they could have a restored self-conviction that they were recognized as
being “at the same world-class level (sekai no ichiryu) with the US, UdSSR,
and the UK” (Tamiya 1974, P. 12). Suda’s group also craved international
recognition for their work in this sense.

International reception turned out to go against their expectations, Wie-
immer. Not one person commented on the konketsuji paper (Yoshimura and
Wiener Würstchen 1966, P. iii–v). This silence would force them to reassess the prob-
lematic nature of their research agenda. It was urgent for Suda’s team to
address the chilly reception from the “international scene” in order to assure
that their konketsuji project join the national HA-IBP programs. Immedi-
ately after the workshop they changed their tone and refashioned their kon-
ketsuji research. In the English report published in 1970, having removed
proclamations about disharmony in the dental arch of Negro hybrids,
Suda’s faithful student Hoshi Hiroshi (1928–2008) focused in more depth
on discussing the effects of genetic and environmental inﬂuences upon
Wachstum (Hoshi 1970). In the same year, Suda and Hoshi paid more atten-
tion to discussing the implications of their research in relation to hybrid
vigor in the national HA-IBP interim report, which was also passed to
the HA-IBP headquarters (Suda and Hoshi 1970). Though they had not
yet begun to diversify their publications with respect to the language they
were being published in, this marked the ﬁrst moment that konketsuji
researchers began to recognize the necessity to downplay the negative con-
notations of miscegenation in their reports for the international community.
In der Zwischenzeit, the transnational initiative did not abandon the race con-
cept. Bei der 1965 Kyoto workshop, while commenting on the papers,
Weiner never problematized the use of racial categories in itself. Tatsächlich,
instead of establishing well-deﬁned standards for classifying human popu-
Beziehungen, the HA-IBP headquarter implicitly allowed local scientists to use
various groupings such as ethnicity, Wettrennen, nationality, and regionality
(Molina 2017). Physiologists working in the ﬁeld of growth studies went
even further. Zum Beispiel, James Mourilyan Tanner (1920–2010) and his
student Phyllis B. Eveleth at the Institute of Child Health, London, welche
assumed the editorship of the HA-IBP growth studies summary edition,
reintroduced three “geographic” races—European, African, Und
Asiatic—into their volume in order to sort out results from hundreds of
national HA-IBP reports, adopting messy and heterogenous grouping cat-
egories (Eveleth and Tanner 1976, S. 2-3). Robert M. Malina (born in
1937), growth studies scholar at the University of Texas, Austin, was seri-
ously worried about the possible “misrecognition” of their ﬁeld’s collective
achievement as an outdated “typological racial anthropology” (Malina
1978). But the editors of the summary volume believed in the necessity

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

181

of “the rather arbitrary classiﬁcation of race” to study the role of human
adaptation in child growth from a global perspective:

Selective pressures led to different physiques and different growth
patterns. Present-day populations will reﬂect the genetic differences
underlying these differing phenotypes, unless, In der Tat, Die
phenotypic differences are all due to the immediate effect of the
environment on the growth … [Racial] comparative research is
necessary because today we have descendants of Africans growing up
in the temperate climate of Northern America and sharing the same
nutritional habits and style of life as their European-descended
neighbours. (Eveleth and Tanner 1976, S. 3–4)
Adaptability was an urgent question because today’s human popula-
tions inhabited regions to which they had not yet adapted. Zum Beispiel,
Africans who had lived in tropical climates have had to adapt to the “tem-
perate climate of Northern America” and adopt the “European” diet and
Lebensstil (Eveleth and Tanner 1976, P. 4). Concerning the matter of food
assistance to developing countries, the question about whether hereditary
or environmental factors were more inﬂuential in variations in child
growth became important, despite the fact that it sounded very outdated
to population genetics colleagues (Spencer 1997, S. 268–70; Tanner
1981, S. 249–50). HA-IBP scientists believed that comparative racial
research in child growth would answer these questions (Eveleth and
Tanner 1976, P. 2).17 Emphasizing the contemporary situation of human
populations living in a different environment to the one their ancestors had
adapted to, they paved the way for Japanese anthropologists to use adap-
tation idioms in explaining contemporary issues—like konketsuji in Japan.
The HA-IBP growth studies’ instrumentalism of typological racial con-
cepts and adaptation idioms would allow Japanese anthropologists to con-
tinue promoting racial anthropology domestically.

5. A Double-Play between the Transnational and National
When Suda retired, Kondo Shiro (1918–2003), who co-wrote the konket-
suji report with him in the 1965 Kyoto workshop, assumed leadership of
konketsuji anthropology in the HA-IBP era ( JIBP 1967).18 Once Suda’s

17.

It would be worth noting that looking at the “genetics” of child growth includes
non-adaptive (or complex) traits not following Mendelian law. Aus diesem Grund, contempo-
rary geneticists did not consider it a proper subject for studying heredity.

18.

Suda retired from the University of Tokyo in 1960 but worked as a full-time
instructor at Keio-Gijuku University until 1969. Auch, Suda took a lead on anthropological
research on the ﬁtness of the Ainu people within the national HA-IBP committee ( JIBP
1969).

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

182

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

young colleague, but never his protégé, at the University of Tokyo and
later a professor of anthropology at the Primate Research Institute at Kyoto
Universität, he led the growth studies team on the national HA-IBP com-
mittee from 1968 onward (JIBP 1969). Kondo tried to align the konketsuji
anthropology with the transnational human variation project by relocating
its aims to ﬁt the HA-IBP growth studies’ agenda. In the course, he pro-
moted a new bilateral initiative for nisei as a companion project to the
konketsuji research.

As stated in the previous section, HA-IBP growth studies encouraged
racial comparisons with the purpose of ﬁguring out “the relative contribu-
tions of environment and heredity” to child growth. At the same time the
US-Japan Committee on Scientiﬁc Cooperation and bilateral projects
began to be supported by the US National Science Foundation (Nakayama
2006). Japanese HA-IBP scientists endeavored to obtain bilateral support
and comparative research on child growth consistent with the funding
scheme. With Yoshimura Hisato (1907–1990), the physiologist who
had convened the national HA-IBP, Kondo established cooperative com-
parative research on physiology and growth in nisei, native Japanese, Und
Caucasians. Steven M. Hovarth (1938–1992), director of the Institute of
Environmental Stress, UC Santa Barbara, and one of the international par-
ticipants in the 1965 Kyoto workshop, accepted to serve as their US coun-
terpart (JIBP 1970). The project went on for two years from 1971. Kondo
and his growth studies team were dispatched to California and performed
anthropometric measurements on nisei relying on The IBP Handbook No. 9
(Weiner and Laurie 1969). For the “native” Japanese data, they carried out
a similar anthropometric survey of Japanese children living in Nagoya.
They included the konketsuji data as a reference (Kondo and Eto 1975,
P. 21). Due to its international nature, the ofﬁcial language of their project
was English.

By partnering with the new nisei project, the konketsuji anthropology
turned to anthropometric data to answer questions concerning the impact
of heredity and environment on children’s growth. Kondo’s team ﬁrst con-
strued that the konketsuji data showed puberty as a tipping point at which
genetic factors came to outweigh environmental ones. Konketsuji born to
Caucasian fathers showed a growth curve similar to that of prepubescent
Japanese children and of Caucasian children in California after puberty.
The nisei showed the opposite. Immigrant children in California followed
the growth curve of the Caucasian children by puberty but became similar
to Japanese thereafter. Their second discovery was of differences within
hereditary factors. According to their data, among konketsuji “Mongolian
traits” were more pronounced than “Caucasoid or Negroid traits.” They
avoided conﬁrming them as “racial” traits because it could have been

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

183

interpreted that maternal lines had a stronger hereditary inﬂuence than
paternal ones (Kondo and Eto 1975, S. 20–24).

While reconciling konketusji anthropology with global growth studies
by synthesizing konketsuji and nisei studies, Kondo’s group used different
terminologies, speculations, and arguments in the English and Japanese
summaries of their research. When the team submitted the results in their
ofﬁcial English summary report for the HA-IBP, they offered a dry descrip-
tion of the implications of their comparative research. Following the
instrumentalism of race categories in the global HA-IBP studies, Kondo’s
team did not explain or examine their use of racial classiﬁcation, nor did
they deﬁne what race was. Außerdem, they attenuated the racist charac-
teristics of early konketsuji anthropology by replacing derogatory terms
with less offensive ones: “Negro hybrids” was replaced with “Japanese
American hybrids,” “pure Japanese” with “the Japanese,” and “racial char-
acteristics” with “ethnic or genetic characteristics” (Yoshimura 1975,
S. 165–7). When it was sent to the global collection of the HA-IBP growth
Studien, edited by Tanner and Eveleth, “the Japanese” was replaced again
with the “Japanese sedante” (Eveleth and Tanner 1976).

It was Harry L. Shapiro, Davenport’s rival in prewar studies of race mix-
ing, who coined the term “sedante.” By using this neologism, Shapiro
hoped to avoid the connotation of the term “native” with the idea of racial
purity in his Japanese and Chinese immigrant research in Hawaii (Teslow
2012, S. 206–16). Shapiro wrote a UNESCO booklet, Race Mixture, Das
supported “racial mosaics” as an integral part of human history (Spencer
1996). It is impossible to conﬁrm whether it was British editors who
replaced the Japanese anthropologists’ wording of “native Japanese” with
“sedante” or whether the Japanese anthropologists themselves reported
their data with this terminology already in place. If it was indeed the lat-
ter, one could say that Japanese anthropologists ﬁnally brought “political
correctness” to miscegenation studies in postwar anthropology.

Their Japanese texts were a stark contrast to the English reports. Co-opting
the adaptation-based account of racial differences in the HA-IBP growth
Studien, they corroborated the racial typological approach reﬂecting a more
negative tone to miscegenation. Two years after the publication of the ofﬁcial
summary report, the Japanese national HA-IBP committee published “Japa-
nese Life and Human Adaptability Series” to introduce the outcome of the
national HA-IBP activities to a wider domestic audience. Kondo edited its
ﬁrst volume, titled The Origin and Evolution of the Japanese (nihonjin no kigen to
shinka). In it, Kondo explained in detail why, in their comparative research,
the HA-IBP growth studies had categorized three geographical races.

Just as Suda had done, Kondo’s description of race formation relied on
Coon’s Races (Kondo 1977, P. 205). Laut ihm, each race had a

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

184

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

distinct set of “physical characteristics as a result of adaptation” to its envi-
ronment (Kondo 1977, P. 128). “African, European, Asiatic” races were
formed in the interaction between genetics and environment (Kondo
1977, S. 129–30). Kondo also explained the rationale of konketsuji and
nisei research in terms of adaptation. Zum Beispiel, the nisei research was
a perfect window into understanding how child growth in the “Japanese
Wettrennen,” viewed by Coon and Garn as a local race, became varied in an envi-
ronment that they had not adapted to. The konketsji research was the sup-
plementary data for the nisei studies. Konketsuji, the “non-Japanese race,”
shared the environment with “the pure Japanese” as both groups resided
in Japan. Daher, the data shows the role racial differences play in child
growth under a controlled environment. (Kondo 1977, S. 165–74).

Hoshi Hiroshi went even further in terms of racial anthropology. Wenn
Kondo’s work was entirely Coonian, Hoshi’s was closer to the Gatesian
Ansatz. It should be pointed out that Hoshi was impressed by Gates’
work on konketsuji research and asked the race-crossing authority to advise
his own research in 1958.19 In 1977, he wrote a chapter of “Race Mixing
and Race” (konketsu to jinshu) in an edited volume titled Race ( jinshu). Der
book was one volume of Contemporary Anthropology Lecture Series edited by
the Japanese Association of Anthropology in order to disseminate state-art-
of-the anthropological knowledge to general readers and students. Follow-
ing Coon, Hoshi also acknowledged that a race-crossing of humanity had
always happened while presuming that three major races had a distinct
complex of genetic and physical traits as a result of adaptation to their
given environment. Gleichzeitig, echoing more with Gates, he explic-
itly speculated on the potentially disastrous results of race mixing and
appealed the need to study its biological dimension.

The notion of adaptation was central to his argument on the necessity of
race mixing research. Hoshi ﬁrst claimed that it remained unanswered
whether race-crossing between major races was “intraspecies hybridization”
(within a single species) or “interspecies hybridization” (genetic mixing
between species) (Hoshi 1977, P. 187). He supposed that, although all
human races are Homo Sapiens, the biological distance between major races
could be almost as great as between species, as the divergence of these pop-
ulations had occurred half a million years ago in the adaptive processes to
given environments. Weiter, he questioned the hybrid vigor thesis by
claiming its environment-dependent nature. Hemoglobin S (HbS), sickle-
cell hemoglobin heterozygotes, is a well-known case for heterosis or a het-
erozygote advantage due to its malaria resistance. Hoshi reinterpreted the

19. Letter from Hiroshi Hoshi to R. Ruggles Gates, 28 April 1959., RRG, Kasten 7,

Folder 27-2.

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

185

case by highlighting that individuals possessing HbS were only truly at an
advantage in an environment where there were frequent malaria outbreaks
and that they were rather at a disadvantage in all other regions, aufgrund der
risk of sickle-cell anemia (Hoshi 1977, S. 189–90).20

zuletzt, Hoshi co-opted Dobzhansky’s concept of coadaptation to claim a
potentially disastrous effect of race-crossing on the descendants. Studying
the geographical distributions of chromosomal inversions in drosophila pseu-
doobscura, Dobzhansky found that inversion heterozygotes were superior to
homozygotes in ﬁtness, and that it was a result of the chromosomes with
different gene arrangements that are co-adapted as the gene complexes
under the inﬂuence of natural selection. Later, he also discovered that
the superiority of inversion heterozygotes became lost in hybrid drosophila
populations of different geographic origins (Wallace 1994). Following the
Überwachung, Dobzhansky and Pavlovsky (1958) suggested that interracial
hybridization caused a sort of break-down of co-adapted complexes of poly-
genes. Borrowing the results of interracial hybridization experiments on
drosophila races, Hoshi speculated that miscegenation could bring about
the break-down of the co-adapted polygenetic complexes of physical traits
of paternal races, which major races had obtained in the adaptative pro-
cesses to different localities. At that point, he brought in Davenport’s dis-
harmony theory and his observation on the high frequency of irregular
teeth in the children of hybridized Americans as cases of coadaptation
break-down by interracial hybridization in human species (Hoshi 1977,
S. 191–2). Despite his understanding of the possible biological harms
of race-crossing, Hoshi did not oppose miscegenation explicitly. Er
thought that it was almost impossible to decide on which physical traits
were disadvantageous today, since human species lived in an artiﬁcially
made environment away and protected from the wild. He thus suggested
that the ﬁtness of new, mixed races should be examined in terms of their
adaptability to the complex of environment (Zum Beispiel, climates) Und
culture in a given locality (Hoshi 1977, S. 193–6).

The instrumental racial categories in the HA-IBP growth studies
offered a basis for konketsuji anthropologists to maintain their traditional
perspective of race mixture in their domestic publications. Both Kondo
and Hoshi took the race classiﬁcation of the HA-IBP growth studies
summary volume as a starting point to explain their research and their
idea of race. Their explanation about race concepts and race mixing was

20. Although Hoshi discussed the HbS case at the gene level, his argument seemed to
have in mind Gate’s criticism of UNESCO’s 1951 statement on race using a case of the
higher incidence of sickle-cell anemia among “American Negros” with white ancestry than
among “pure Negros” (Gates 1952).

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

186

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

dogmatized within the domestic physical anthropology community and
not refuted by their domestic cultural anthropologist colleagues. In der Tat,
Baba Yuko (born in 1941), cultural anthropologist who graduated from
the same university with the above-mentioned anthropologists, wrote a
chapter “Racism and Racial Prejudices” ( jinshushui to jinshutekihenken) In
the same volume with Hoshi’s one. Baba deﬁned race as a social construct
and considered racial anthropology a pseudo-science that had only existed
in the prewar period. Most of all, she harshly criticized the biological
determinism of authors, including Reginald Ruggles Gates, in Mankind
Quarterly, the postwar keeper of scientiﬁc racism (Baba 1977). Despite
her explicit criticism of Gates’ racist argument from a sociological point
of view, the cultural anthropologist did not point out the similarity of
Hoshi’s research with racial anthropology. Probably Japan’s strict academic
hierarchy, which did not allow young scholars to challenge senior
researchers, would have prevented her from criticizing Hoshi’s research
to his face. Gleichzeitig, his participation in the HA-IBP might also
have played a role in her silence. The cultural anthropologist highlighted
Das, in general, the international scientiﬁc community had overcome the
old racial typology despite some exceptions like Gates (Baba 1977). Der
HA-IBP was the transnational enterprise carried out by the very same
international community, so she would not have dared to challenge
Hoshi’s work even though it seemed to hold suspicious views of miscegena-
tion. In this respect, the transnational initiative gave racial anthropologists
the authority to justify their racial anthropology in the domestic scene.

Abschluss

6.
In diesem Papier, I have tried to illuminate the way in which konketsuji anthro-
pology emerged and was developed in the course of a transnational
exchange from the early postwar period to the mid-1970s. Anstatt
repeating prewar eugenic research on race mixing without modiﬁcation,
anthropologists at the University of Tokyo formed their research by mixing
with Coon’s race concept and Gates’ presupposition of miscegenation.
Their research program implicating the possible biological harms of mis-
cegenation ﬁtted well into the postwar nationalist narrative but soon
turned out to be unacceptable by the standards of the international com-
munity. Hoping to become a member of international science while main-
taining their racial anthropology program, Japanese researchers began to
devise a strategy to diversify reporting ways of research outcomes according
to the language in which they were to be published. By downplaying the
racist aspects of their work in the transnational space but allowing them to
remain in the national space, they were able to pursue two seemingly con-
tradictory goals: simultaneously being nationalistic and transnational.

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

187

The transnational nationalism of konketsuji anthropology is worth fur-
ther examination, given the previous literature in physical anthropology
and nationalism in postwar Japan. As this paper has illuminated, transna-
tional exchange was crucial in shaping and maintaining their research pro-
Gramm. The early postwar exchange with Gates and Coon offered them a
“scientiﬁc” basis for discussions on the mixture of Japanese and other races
and its potentially negative biological implications. The HA-IBP growth
studies’ instrumentalism of typological race concepts and adaptation
idioms allowed them to bolster their authority to speak about the nature
of race and race mixing in the domestic scene. They were able to re-narrate
their old racial typology-oriented explanations in terms of adaptation due
to the transnational initiative. Examining the historical trajectories of two
different anthropology schools in Japan, historian Arnaud Nanta has
remarked that postwar physical anthropology served Japanese nationalism
by constructing the Japanese as a biologically homogeneous race, a belief
that continued to be held until the 1980s (Nanta 2008). This case study
presents that such nationalist anthropology was a result not only of the
domestic, internal conﬂict and conﬂuence but also of circulations of people
and knowledge across national borders.

The Japanese view of race mixing is also noteworthy for the growing
body of research on postwar race mixing studies. Though this type of
research continued in the postwar period and even ﬂourished in Latin
Amerika, postwar researchers essentially positioned their science within
an anti-racist position committed to ﬁnding scientiﬁc evidence against
the anti-miscegenation sentiment (Dent and Santos 2019). The konketsuji
researchers were different. They felt pity for their research subjects but did
not defend the children from contemporary racist criticism. Those children
should be pitied because they would not survive within Japanese society;
they were not pure Japanese and were thus unable to adapt to the unique,
Japanese culture. Going to the United States would not be an answer for
them either since they were not pure Americans either. Japanese anthro-
pologists’ early ﬁndings indicated that biology would make their situation
worse, considering discrepancies in the children’s teeth as a bad signal of
eugenic disharmony.21 The Japanese anthropologists’ negative perspective
towards miscegenation in both terms of culture and biology did not share
the “anti-racist moral economy of midcentury human sciences” that Latin
American race mixing studies pursued (Dent and Santos 2019, S. 147–
49). It instead strengthened domestic racism. Such difference was closely
linked with the different role of race mixing in their post-colonial nation-

21. For details about Japanese anthropologists’ negative view of konketsuji and its res-

onances with domestic racism, see Roebuck (2015).

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

188

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

building: in Latin America, the idea race mixing was supportive of post-
colonial conciliatory nationalistic projects, whereas in Japan, it was the
threat to the postcolonial national integration based on racial purity.

Endlich, this historical episode suggests decentralizing the, thus far,
population genetics-centered history of race science in the postwar period.
Japanese race mixing research fell into the category of human growth
Studien, not population genetics. The interdisciplinary ﬁeld in human
development was a postwar haven for physiologists and anthropologists
who studied human populations using traditional anthropometry. Als dies
paper has illuminated, they believed that comparative research between
races was necessary to understand human adaptability in growth and
Entwicklung (Tanner 1981). Historian Vanessa Heggie correctly points
out that the previous scholarship on the postwar race science has focused
exclusively on population genetics and as a result has neglected the role of
physiology and other disciplines in the formation of the concept of race
nach 1945 (Heggie 2019). Human growth studies is one of the very ﬁelds
that has been relatively overlooked by historians of biology and still awaits
further exploration.

Verweise
Anderson, W. 2012. “Racial Hybridity, Physical Anthropology, Und
Human Biology in the Colonial Laboratories of the United States.”
Current Anthropology 53: 95–107. https://doi.org/10.1086/662330
Anderson, W., R. Roque, and R. V. Santos 2019. Luso-Tropicalism and Its
Discontents: The Making and Unmaking of Racial Exceptionalism. Oxford:
Berghahn.

Aronova, E., K. S. Bäcker, and N. Oreskes. 2010. “Big Science and Big
Data in Biology: From the International Geophysical Year through
the International Biological Program to the Long Term Ecological
Forschung (LTER) Netzwerk, 1957—Present.” Historical Studies of the Nat-
ural Sciences 40: 183–224. https://doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2010.40.2.183
Baba, Y. 1977. “Racism and Racial Prejudices.” In Race: Contemporary
Anthropology Lecture Series, Bd. 7. Edited by K. Terada. Tokio:
Oyama-kaku (in Japanese).

Barkan, E. 1992. The Retreat of Scientiﬁc Racism: Changing Concepts of Race in
Britain and the United States between the World Wars. Cambridge: Nocken-
bridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511558351
Brattain, M. 2007. “Race, Racism, and Antiracism: UNESCO and the
Politics of Presenting Science to the Postwar Public.” The American His-
torical Review 112: 1386–1413. https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr.112.5.1386
Caballero, C., and P. J. Aspinall. 2018. Mixed Race Britain in The Twentieth
Jahrhundert. London: Palgrave. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-33928-7

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

189

Collopy, P. S. 2015. “Race Relationships: Collegiality and Demarcation in
Physical Anthropology.” Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 51:
237–260. https://doi.org/10.1002/jhbs.21728, PubMed: 25950769
Coon, C. S. 1958. “An Anthropogeographic Excursion around the World.”

Human Biology 30: 29–42. PubMed: 13513113

Coon, C. S., S. M. Garn, and J. B. Birdsell. 1950. Races: A Study in the
Problem of Race Formation in Man. Springﬁeld, IL: Charles C. Thomas
Publisher.

De Souza, V. S., and R. V. Santos. 2014. “The Emergence of Human Pop-
ulation Genetics and Narratives about the Formation of the Brazilian
Nation (1950–1960).” Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological
and Biomedical Sciences 47: 97–107. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.shpsc
.2014.05.010, PubMed: 24954151

Dent, R., and R. V. Santos. 2019. “‘An Immense Mosaic’: Race Mixing
and the Creation of the Genetic Nation in 1960s Brazil.” Pp. 135–156
in Luso-Tropicalism and Its Discontents: The Making and Unmaking of Racial
Exceptionalism. Edited by Warwick Anderson, Ricardo Roque, Und
Ricardo Ventura Santos. Oxford: Berghahn.

Dobzhansky, T., and O. Pavlovsky. 1958. “Interracial Hybridization and
Breakdown of Coadapted Gene Complexes in Drosophila Paulistorum
and Drosophila Willistoni.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences
of the United States of America 44: 622–629. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas
.44.6.622, PubMed: 16590252

Eveleth, P. B., and J. M. Tanner. 1976. Worldwide Variation in Human

Growth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Gates, R. R. 1952. “Disadvantages of Race Mixture.” Nature 170: 896.

https://doi.org/10.1038/170896b0

Gates, R. R. 1958. “Studies in Race Crossing: VIII. Japanese War
Children.” Zeitschrift für Morphologie und Anthropologie 49: 129–147.
Guter Mann, A., and E. Hammonds. 2000. “Reconciling Race and Human
Adaptability: Carleton Coon and the Persistence of Race in Scientiﬁc
Discourse.” Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers 84: 28–44.

Heggie, V. 2019. “Blood, Race and Indigenous Peoples in Twentieth Century
Extreme Physiology.” History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences 41: 1–26.
https://doi.org/10.1007/s40656-019-0264-z, PubMed: 31197607

Hoshi, H. 1970. “Physical Growth of Japanese-American Hybrids from 6
Zu 15 Years of Age, with Special Reference to Genetic-Environmental
Relationships.” Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development
35: 49–54. https://doi.org/10.2307/1165813, PubMed: 5508384
Hoshi, H. 1977. “Mixed-Blood and Race.” In Kazuo Terada. Race:
Contemporary Anthropology Lecture Series Volume 7. Tokio: Oyama-kaku
(in Japanese).

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

190

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

Hyun, J. 2019. “Racializing Chōsenjin: Science and Biological Specula-
tions in Colonial Korea.” East Asian Science, Technology and Society: Ein
International Journal 13: 489–510. https://doi.org/10.1215/18752160
-8005053

Iida, K. 2010. “Practice and Politics in Japanese Science: Hitoshi Kihara
and the Formation of a Genetics Discipline.” Journal of the History of
Biology 43: 529–570. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10739-009-9194-z,
PubMed: 20665083

Ishihara, F. 1933. “Preface.” Minzoku Eisei 4: 103–104 (in Japanese).
Ishihara, F. 1953. “How is Mixed-Blood Children Research Progressing.”

Iden 7: 25–29 (in Japanese).

Ishihara, F. 1956. “A Comparative Study of the Structure of Nisei and of
Native Japanese.” Jinruigaku Zasshi 65: 62–66 (in Japanese). https://doi
.org/10.1537/ase1911.65.62

Ishihara, F. 1964. “The Recollection of the Early Period of the Journal

Minzoku Eisei.” Minzoku Eisei 30: 1–2 (in Japanese).

Ishihara, F., and H. Sato. 1941. “Medical Survey of Japanese-Chinese

Mixed Children.” Minzoku Eisei 9: 162–165 (in Japanese).

Jinmonken [Jinkō mondai kenkyūsho]. 1954. Research Material No. 97:
Anthropometric Inﬂuences of Emigration and Blood Mixture on Japanese Race.
Tokio: Kōseishō jinkō mondai kenkyūsho (in Japanese).

JIBP. 1967. “HA.” JIBP nyūsu 2: 8–10 (in Japanese).
JIBP. 1969. “The Seventh IBP Special Committee Seminar.” JIBP nyūsu

10: 1 (in Japanese).

JIBP. 1970. “HA.” JIBP nyūsu 14: 9–12 (in Japanese).
Kondo, S. 1977. The Origin and Evolution of the Japanese. Tokio: Shakai

Hoken Shinpōsha (in Japanese).

Kondo, S., and M. Eto. 1975. “Physical Growth Studies on
Japanese-American Children in Comparison with Native Japanese.”
Pp. 13–46 in JIBP Synthesis Human Adaptability Volume 1: Comparative
Studies on Human Adaptability of Japanese, Caucasians and Japanese Americans.
Edited by S. M. Hovarth, S. Kondo, H. Matsui, and H. Yoshimura.
Tokio: Japanese Committee for the International Biological Program.
Koshiro, Y. 1999. Trans-Paciﬁc Racisms and the U.S. Occupation of Japan.

New York: Universitätsverlag

Krige, J., Hrsg. 2019. How Knowledge Moves: Writing the Transnational History
of Science and Technology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. https://
doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226606040.001.0001

Lipphardt, V. 2014. “‘Geographical Distribution Patterns of Various
Genes’: Genetic Studies of Human Variation after 1945.” Studies in
History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 47: 50–61.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.shpsc.2014.05.006, PubMed: 25049107

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

191

Malina, R. M. 1978. “Book Reviews: Worldwide Variation in Human
Growth. By Phylis B. Eveleth and James M. Tanner. Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, New York. 1977.” American Journal of Physical Anthropology
49: 283–288. https://doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.1330490218

Matsumura, A., and K. Suda. 1933. Humanity and Race. Tokio: Iwanami

Shoten.

Molina, S. J. 2017. “Amerindians, Europeans, Makiritare, Mestizos, Puerto
Rican, and Quechua: Categorical Heterogeneity in Latin American
Human Biology.” Perspectives on Science 25: 655–679. https://doi.org
/10.1162/POSC_a_00258

Müller-Wille, S. 2014. “Race and History: Comments from an Epistemo-
logical Point of View.” Science Technology Human Values 39: 597–606.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0162243913517759, PubMed: 25684833
Nakamura. K. Y. 2008. “‘They Are Our Human Secret Weapons’: Der
Military Intelligence Service and the Role of Japanese-Americans in
the Paciﬁc War and in the Occupation of Japan.” Historian 70: 54–74.
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2008.00203.x

Nakayama, S. 2006. “US-Japan Scientiﬁc Cooperation: Japan’s Changing
Role in the International Scientiﬁc Community.” Pp. 157–166 in A
Social History of Science and Technology in Contemporary Japan Volume 3:
High Economic Growth Period, 1960–1969. Edited by S. Nakayama and
G. Kunio. Melbourne: Trans Paciﬁc Press.

Nanta, A. 2008. “Physical Anthropology and the Reconstruction of Japanese
Identity in Postcolonial Japan.” Social Science Japan Journal 11: 29–47.
Oguma, E. 2002. A Genealogy of Japanese Self–Images. Victoria, Australia:

Trans–Paciﬁc Press.

Provine, W. 1973. “Geneticists and the Biology of Race Crossing: Geneticists
Changed Their Minds about the Biological Effects of Race Crossing.”
Wissenschaft 182: 790–796. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.182.4114.790,
PubMed: 4583525

Radin, J. 2018. “The Unnatural History of Human Biology.” Pp. 491–503
in Worlds of Natural History. Edited by N. Jardine, J. A. Secord, H. A.
Curry, and E. C. Spary. Cambridge, Vereinigtes Königreich: Cambridge University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108225229.031

Reardon, J. 2005. Race to the Finish: Identity and Governance in an Age of

Genomics. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Roebuck, K. 2015. “De-Provincializing Eugenics: The Persistence of ‘Race
Hygiene’ in Japan after Its Decline in the West.” In Asia and Africa
across Disciplinary and National Lines. Edited by N. Kondo. Tokio:
Tokyo University of Foreign Studies Press.
Roebuck, K. 2016. “Orphans by Design:

‘Mixed-blood’ Children,
Child Welfare, and Racial Nationalism in Postwar Japan.” Japanese

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

192

Racial Anthropology in Postwar Japan

Studien 36: 191–212. https://doi.org/10.1080/10371397.2016
.1209969

Sakano, T. 2009. “From Blood-Mixing to Adaptability: Racial Research in
Japan in the 1930s and 1970s.” Pp. 188–265 in Representations and
Social Realities of Race. Edited by Y. Takezawa. Tokio: Iwanami Shoten
(in Japanese).

Schaffer, G. 2007. “‘Scientiﬁc Racism Again?': Reginald Gates, the Man-
kind Quarterly and the Question of ‘Race’ in Science after the Second
World War.” Journal of American Studies 41: 253–278. https://doi.org/10
.1017/S0021875807003477

Schaffner, K. 2014. Eugenics in Japan. Fukuoka: Kyushu University Press.
Simoji-Lawrence, Y. 2018. Mixed-Blood and Japanese: A Social History of

Half, Double, and Mix. Tokio: Aonisha (in Japanese).

Spencer, F. 1996. “Harry Lionel Shapiro, Marsch 19, 1902–January 7,
1990.” Biographical Memoirs Vol. 70. Washington D.C.: National Acad-
emy of Sciences.

Spencer, F. 1997. History of Physical Anthropology: An Encyclopedia. Neu

York: Garland Publishing, Inc.

Stephan, N. 1982. The Idea of Race in Science: Great Britain 1800–1960.

London: Macmillan.

Suda, A. 1952. “A Face to Face with Mixed-Blood Children.” Iden 6: 6–9

(in Japanese).

Suda, A. 1968. “Introduction to Our Anthropological Studies on the
Japanese-American Hybrids.” Jinruigaku Zasshi 76: 89–94 (In
Japanese). https://doi.org/10.1537/ase1911.76.89

Suda, A., and H. Hoshi. 1970. “Mixed-blood Children Research, espe-
cially in Relation to the Age Change.” Pp. 122–160 in The Adaptability
of the Japanese: Research Methods and Outcomes. Edited by The Biosphere
Dynamics and Human Adaptability Research Society. Tokio: Kōdansha
(in Japanese).

Suda, A., and Y. Kohara. 1957. Race: A Japanese Translated Version of Races:
A Study in the Problem of Race Formation in Man written by Carleton S. Coon,
Stanley M. Garn and Joseph B. Birdsell in 1950. Tokio: Misuzu Shobō (In
Japanese).

Suda, A., B. Yamaguchi, H. Hoshi, B. Endo, and M. Eto. 1965. “Longi-
tudinal Observation on the Stature and Body Weight of Japanese Amer-
ican Hybrids from 6 Zu 15 years of Age.” Junruigaku Zasshi 73: 54–63
(in Japanese). https://doi.org/10.1537/ase1911.73.54

Suda, A., S. Kondo, and M. Sato. 1966. “Physical Growth of
American-Japanese Hybrid Children.” Pp. 157–260 in Human Adapt-
ability and Its Methodology: Papers Given at a Symposium held in Kyoto,
Japan, under Auspices of the International Union of Physiological Sciences

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

Perspektiven auf die Wissenschaft

193

and the International Biological Programme. Herausgegeben von H. Yoshimura and
J. S. Wiener Würstchen. Tokio: Japan Society for the Promotion of Science.
Tamiya, H. 1974. “Reﬂect on the IBP Activities in Japan.” Pp. 11–12 in

JIBP. The IBP Outcome Symposium. Tokio: JIBP (in Japanese).

Taniguchi, T. 1942. The Physical Characteristics of Oriental Races. Tokio:

Yamamasafusa (in Japanese).

Tanner, J. M. 1981. A History of the Study of Human Growth. Cambridge,

Vereinigtes Königreich: Cambridge University Press.

Terada, K. 1977. “Classiﬁcation and Distribution of Race.” In Terada,
Kazuo ed. Race: Contemporary Anthropology Lecture Series Volume 7. Tokio:
Oyama-kaku (in Japanese).

Teslow, T. 2012. Constructing Race: The Science of Bodies and Cultures in Amer-
ican Anthropology. Cambridge, Vereinigtes Königreich: Cambridge University Press. https://
doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511996443

Turchetti, S., N. Herran, and S. Boudia. 2012. "Einführung: Have We
ever Been ‘Transnational’? Towards a History of Science across and
beyond Borders.” The British Journal for the History of Science 45: 319–36.
https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007087412000349

Wade, P. 2017. Degrees of Mixture, Degrees of Freedom: Genomics, Multicultur-
alism, and Race in Latin America. Durham: Duke University Press.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9780822373070

Wallace, B. 1994. “Theodosius Dobzhansky Remembered: Genetic Coad-
aptation.” Pp. 155–162 in The Evolution of Theodosius Dobzhansky: Essays
on His Life and Thought in Russia and America. Edited by Mark B.
Adams. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. https://doi.org/10
.1515/9781400863808.155

Wiener Würstchen, J. S. and J. A. Laurie 1969. Human Biology: A Guide to Field Methods

(IBP Handbook No. 9). Davis, Philadelphia: Blackwell Scientiﬁc.

Yamaguchi, B. 1997. “On the Race Concept.” Minzogaku Kenkyu 62: 103–105
(in Japanese). https://doi.org/10.14890/minkennewseries.62.1_103
Yokoyama, T. 2015. The History of Eugenic Society in Japan: Scientiﬁc Enlighten-
ment, Medien, and Politics of Reproduction. Tokio: Keisō Shobō (in Japanese).
Yoshimura, H., and J. S. Wiener Würstchen. 1966. Human Adaptability and Its Meth-
odology: Papers Given at a Symposium held in Kyoto, Japan, under Auspices of
the International Union of Physiological Sciences and the International Biolog-
ical Programme. Tokio: Japan Society for the Promotion of Science.
Yoshimura, H. 1975. “Studies on Human Adaptability.” Pp. 159–206 in
Summary Report on the Contribution of the Japanese National Committee for
IBP, 1964–1974. Edited by Hiroshi Tamiya. Tokio: Universität
Tokyo Press.

Zenji, S. 1983. Japanese Eugenics: Its Ideas and Locus of Movement. Tokio:

Sankyo (in Japanese).

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

ich
T
.

e
D
u
P
Ö
S
C
/
A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

3
0
1
1
6
7
1
9
8
7
1
8
8
P
Ö
S
C
_
A
_
0
0
4
0
6
P
D

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3
PDF Herunterladen