DISCRIMINATION, NARRATIVES, AND FAMILY HISTORY: AN EXPERIMENT
WITH JORDANIAN HOST AND SYRIAN REFUGEE CHILDREN

Kai Barron, Heike Harmgart, Steffen Huck, Sebastian O. Schneider, and Matthias Sutter*

Abstract—We measure the prevalence of discrimination between Jordanian
host and Syrian refugee children attending school in Jordan. Using a simple
sharing experiment, we find only a small degree of out-group discrimination.
Jedoch, Jordanian children with Palestinian roots do not discriminate at
alle, suggesting that a family history of refugee status can generate solidarity
with new refugees. We also find that parents’ narratives about the refugee
crisis are correlated with their children’s degree of out-group discrimination,
particularly among Syrian refugee children, suggesting that discriminatory
preferences are being transmitted through parental attitudes.

ICH.

Einführung

SINCE the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War in 2011, über

650,000 Syrian refugees have sought shelter in Jordan
and registered with the United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR).1 The resulting sudden increase in
the population size of around 10% has put an enormous strain
on Jordan’s resource-poor economy, in particular on its wa-
ter resources, waste management, housing stock, and labor
Markt (sehen, unter anderen, Proktor, 2014; Stave & Hillesund,
2015; Francis, 2015; Razzaz, 2017).2

The year 2019, when we conducted our study, was the ninth
year of the conflict, and most Syrian refugees in Jordan no
longer had plans to return to Syria. The majority appear likely
to stay for decades to come, just as previous refugees from
Irak und, über alles, Palestine did. Their successful integration
into Jordanian society has thus become a matter of central
importance for the country’s stability in a fragile region.

We investigate two factors that may generate frictions for
the successful integration of refugees into society: the preva-
lence of out-group discrimination by both the refugee and the

Received for publication August 6, 2020. Revision accepted for publica-

tion May 11, 2021. Editor: Shachar Kariv.

∗Barron: WZB Berlin; Harmgart: European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development and WZB Berlin; Huck: University College London and WZB
Berlin; Schneider: Max Planck Institute for Research on Collective Goods;
Sutter: Max Planck Institute for Research on Collective Goods, Universität
of Cologne, and University of Innsbruck.

We thank two anonymous referees and the editor, Shachar Kariv, für
very helpful comments, as well as Noura Shahed, Nedjma Koval, und das
entire Integrated International team for excellent help in conducting this
Experiment. The project has been approved by the Research Ethics Re-
view at Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin (NEIN. 2019/1/61) and preregistered
at the AEA RCT Registry as Trial 4063 prior to data collection. (Sehen
https://doi.org/10.1257/rct.4063-1.0.) We gratefully acknowledge finan-
cial support from Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG, German Re-
search Foundation) under Germany´s Excellence Strategy (EXC 2126/1
390838866).

A supplemental appendix is available online at https://doi.org/10.1162/

rest_a_01090.

1The Jordanian government reports that the country hosts 1.4 Million
Syrian refugees. The larger number is most likely because many refugees
have not registered officially.

2A dissenting view is presented in Fallah, Krafft, and Wahba (2019), WHO
conclude that Jordanians in areas with higher concentrations of refugees
experienced no worse labor market outcomes than those in areas with lower
concentrations.

host population and the perception of facts and prevailing nar-
ratives pertaining to the consequences of the refugee influx.
We study discrimination among Syrian and Jordanian chil-
dren who, in all likelihood, will have to live together in Jordan
for the long run. Since economic preferences seem to develop
early in life (Fehr, Bernhard, & Rockenbach, 2008) and dis-
crimination between different (ethnic or language) groups
has been shown to emerge in childhood (Angerer et al., 2016;
Bindra, Glätzle-Rützler, & Lergetporer, 2020), studying dis-
crimination by and against refugee children will help to better
understand the roots of potential discrimination by adults. Fo-
cusing on children is also motivated by the fact that recent
work has shown that the social preferences of children are still
malleable (Cappelen et al., 2020; Kosse et al., 2020), while
the social preferences of adults seem to be relatively stable
and harder to change (Carlsson, Johansson-Stenman, & Nam
2014). daher, understanding discrimination in childhood
may inform possible policy interventions to fight discrimina-
tion and support the successful integration of refugees into
the local society.

Besides studying children’s discriminatory behavior, Wir
examine their parents’ narratives about the consequences of
Syrian immigration and can hence assess the influence of
parents’ attitudes on their child’s degree of discrimination.
Complementing our analysis of parental attitudes, we study
whether a family history of refugee status can generate soli-
darity with new refugees. We do this by evaluating the influ-
ence of being a descendant of Palestinian refugees on chil-
dren’s behavior.

In our experiment, we study two sharing tasks and one
allocation task with 456 Kinder, gealtert 9 Und 10 Jahre. A
novel feature of our study is that we can explore discrim-
ination both against and by refugee children in a naturally
arising, controlled, and symmetric setting—that of Jordanian
double-shift schools. Such schools are effectively operating
two schools under one roof: one in the morning for Jordanians
and one in the afternoon for Syrians (Albert et al., 2017). Solch
double-shift schools were established in Jordan to manage
the integration of Syrian refugee children into its education
System. We ran our experiment in thirteen such double-shift
schools with children from the morning and the afternoon
shifts, allowing us to measure their social preferences toward
their in-group and out-group. Zusätzlich, we collected sur-
vey data from all children and a large subset of their parents
in order to assess the influence of some relevant aspects of
the child’s family background.

To the best of our knowledge, our study is the first to ex-
plore discriminatory behavior against and by refugee children
in an experimental setting. In our setting, ethnic differences
between the refugee and host population are comparatively

The Review of Economics and Statistics, Juli 2023, 105(4): 1008–1016
© 2021 The President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Veröffentlicht unter einer Creative Commons Namensnennung 4.0
International (CC BY 4.0) Lizenz.
https://doi.org/10.1162/rest_a_01090

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DISCRIMINATION, NARRATIVES, AND FAMILY HISTORY

1009

small, and there are no language barriers or major cultural or
religious differences. Daher, our study comes close to identify-
ing a pure refugee status effect on discrimination. Our choice
of studying discrimination and its determinants with 9- Und
10-year-olds is motivated by the observation in an earlier
study by Angerer et al. (2016) that discrimination between
in-group and out-group members starts to increase around
this age (in Angerer et al., 2016, the in-group was defined by
sharing a common language in the bilingual Italian province
of South Tyrol). Somit, studying primary school children, als
we do with Syrian and Jordanian children, seems to capture
a sensitive period for the potential formation and increase of
out-group discrimination, and knowing more about its de-
terminants during this sensitive period may yield important
information for public policy.

Gesamt, we find that in our sample of Jordanian host and
Syrian refugee children, out-group discrimination of both
populations is very low, and overall levels of generosity are
hoch. Jedoch, there are several intriguing details. Erste, look-
ing at the host country’s children, we find significant dif-
ferences in behavior between Jordanian children with and
without Palestinian (d.h., refugee) roots. While Jordanian
children without Palestinian roots discriminate significantly
against the Syrian out-group, we find that Jordanian children
with Palestinian roots (whose parents, grandparents, or great-
grandparents were themselves refugees) do not discriminate
at all between Jordanians and Syrians. While one may at-
tribute this to a strong and shared refugee identity, this is
by no means self-evident, as more settled refugees or mi-
grants have been reported to turn against newcomers in other
settings.3

Zweite, when we examine the determinants of discrimi-
nation, we find a tight link between parents’ narratives and
children’s discriminatory behavior, particularly for the Syrian
(refugee) Kinder. This suggests that discriminatory prefer-
ences are being transmitted through repeated narratives at
heim. Zum Beispiel, if Syrian parents think that Jordanians
should do everything that they can to help Syrian refugees
in this humanitarian crisis, their children show significantly
more discrimination against Jordanian host country children.
Our paper contributes to several strands of literature. Erste,
it builds on the work studying the formation of prosocial pref-
erences in children (Fehr et al., 2008; Fehr, Glätzle-Rützler,
& Sutter, 2013; Cavatorta, Zizzo, & Daoud, 2020; Cappelen
et al., 2020; Kosse et al., 2020). The evidence regarding dis-
criminatory behavior by kindergarten and preschool students
is somewhat mixed. List, List, and Samek (2017) find no dis-
crimination by 3- to 5-year-olds, while Bindra et al. (2020)

3Sehen, Zum Beispiel, Vila (2000), Moukarbel (2009), or Kalupe (2018). In
allgemein, the arrival of new immigrants can activate different responses by
existing immigrant minorities. It can either induce the existing minority to
distance themselves from the new arrivals to try to assimilate more with the
majority (Fouka, Mazumder, & Tabellini 2022), or it can prompt them to
draw parallels with their personal family history and thus increase empathy
toward the new arrivals (Dinas, Fouka, & Schläpfer, 2021; Williamson et al.,
2020).

show that out-group discrimination emerges in a group of 3-
to 6-year-olds and increases with age. Our experimental sub-
jects’ age group of 9 Zu 10 years is most comparable to the
studies by Angerer et al. (2016, 2017), which focus on pri-
mary school children (gealtert 7 Zu 11). They find discriminatory
behavior among these primary school children from different
language groups in northern Italy. Yet none of the previously
mentioned papers examine refugee children or their parents’
attitudes toward the host country. A recent paper by Alan et al.
(2021) is also related to our research. They study the integra-
tion of Syrian refugees in Turkey and provide evidence that
a perspective-taking intervention in schools where approxi-
mately 16% of the children are refugees lowers peer violence,
social exclusion, and ethnic segregation, thereby promoting
prosocial behavior. They also study giving behavior but ex-
plore only whether there are differences in giving to a random
recipient or to a Syrian refugee child. They do not examine
differences in behavior between refugee and host children
and cannot explore the role of parents’ narratives or having a
family history of refugee status for discrimination, which we
view as novel contributions to the literature on the economic
preferences of children.

Zweite, we relate to the literature studying refugee inte-
gration and the reaction of local communities to the sudden
arrival of refugees. Several recent papers have studied the
impact of refugee arrivals, showing, Zum Beispiel, that lo-
cal Swedish residents avoided reading positive news about
refugees (Freddi, 2021). Exposure to refugees did not in-
crease right-wing support in Germany (Schaub, Gereke, &
Baldassarri, 2021) and decreased it in Italy (Gamalerio et al.,
2023). In northern Lebanon, increasing the salience of the
“refugee crisis” reduced locals’ trust and prosocial prefer-
ences toward refugees (Hager & Valasek, 2022). In a lab-in-
the-field experiment in the central Mount Lebanon region,
Drouvelis et al. (2021) show that homogeneous groups co-
operate better in public goods games than groups that are
composed of both (adult) Lebanese host and Syrian refugee
Fächer. Alrababa’h et al. (2021) report that personal expo-
sure to economic impacts resulting from the refugee crisis is
not associated with anti-refugee sentiments among natives in
Jordanien. Yet all of these studies relate to adult behavior and
attitudes. For these adults, the inflow of refugees interacts
with preexisting attitudes to precipitate potential discrimina-
tory behavior. Im Gegensatz, we study children who have grown
up in the middle of the refugee crisis, which has spanned
their formative years, and ask how this has influenced the de-
velopment of their prosocial preferences, specifically those
relating to out-group discrimination as such discriminatory
preferences can create a severe impediment for integration.
Dritte, we contribute to the relatively sparse literature in
economics studying the role that narratives play for behav-
ior, a topic largely ignored by economics until relatively re-
cently. To quote Akerlof and Snower (2016, P. 58), “Standard
economics omits the role of narratives (the stories that peo-
ple tell themselves and others) when they make all kinds
of decisions. Narratives play a role in understanding the

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THE REVIEW OF ECONOMICS AND STATISTICS

Umfeld; focusing attention; predicting events; moti-
vating action; assigning social roles and identities; defin-
ing power relations; and establishing and conveying social
norms.” More recently, Jedoch, narratives have garnered
some attention in economics, resulting in a recent flurry of
activity on the topic (Shiller, 2017; Benabou, Falk, & Ti-
role, 2020; Spiegler, 2020; Eliaz & Spiegler, 2020; Mailath
& Samuelson, 2020; Hillenbrand & Verrina, 2022). We con-
tribute evidence to one particular aspect of narratives by
showing that the stories parents tell at home may be impor-
tant for the formation of their children’s social preferences
and discriminatory behavior.

In the next section, we present the background to our study
and describe the experimental design and procedures. Ergebnisse
are presented in section III, and section IV concludes the
Papier.

II. Experimental Setting, Design, and Procedures

The Kingdom of Jordan is as geopolitically important as
it is unusual due to its long history of absorbing refugees.
Circassian immigration during the Ottoman occupation in
the nineteenth century was the first notable wave. Pales-
tinians who lost their homelands in the (1948/1967) Arab-
Israeli wars form the largest single contingent, while after
the Gulf War of 1991, another wave of refugees came from
Irak. Since the large influx of Syrian refugees after 2011,
Jordanians have been internationally commended for their
generosity in hosting the Syrians, of whom fewer than 20%
live in camps. Jordan provides subsidized health care4 for
all registered refugees and free schooling for all UNHCR
registered children, with children making up around half of
the Syrian refugee population. Regular schooling has been
achieved by establishing so-called double-shift schools that
effectively operate two schools under one roof—one in the
morning for Jordanians, one in the afternoon for Syrians
(Albert et al., 2017).

In conducting our experiment, we worked together with In-
tegrated International, an Amman-based consultancy special-
ized in program implementation and evaluation. In collabo-
ration with UNICEF, Integrated International was working in
fifty double-shift schools—each physical school effectively
operating two schools under one roof, one in the morning for
Jordanian children and one in the afternoon for Syrians—on
the introduction of digital tools for learning. Integrated In-
ternational and UNICEF allowed us to run our experiment in
thirteen of these double-shift schools, one of them a girls’-
only school and all others mixed-gender schools. All schools
are situated in the north of Jordan, where the majority of Syr-
ian refugees reside.5 The choice of schools was driven by

4Under severe financial duress, the Jordanian government had to reduce
subsidies in early 2018. The fee for an emergency checkup is, Jedoch, still
below JOD 10 (approximately US$14).

5One potential concern could be that the influx of refugees changed the
composition of Jordanian children attending the public schools that we
visited. This would be the case if more discriminatory families moved

their locations (to reflect the geographical distribution of the
larger set of double-shift schools; see the map in figure A4 in
the appendix) and by school size (to ease logistics). Within
Schulen, we either sampled all classes with 9- and 10-year-
olds or a random subsample. In the online appendix we show
in tables A1 and A2 that neither children nor teachers differ
noticeably on observable characteristics or survey responses
when we compare the thirteen double-shift schools in which
we ran our experiment with the full set of fifty double-shift
schools in which Integrated International was working for
UNICEF.

Gesamt, we had 456 participating children, 232 von dem
morning shift and 224 from the afternoon shift. Zusätzlich,
we succeeded in surveying 395 Eltern (one per child, cov-
ering 87% of the 456 Kinder)—187 Jordanian parents of
children from the morning shift and 208 Syrian parents of
children from the afternoon shift.6 In table A3 in the online
appendix, we present demographic information, socio-
economic characteristics, information about the extent of
contact with members of the out-group, and whether Jor-
danians had Palestinian roots. We present these data for our
full sample, as well as separately for Jordanians and Syrians.
Zum Beispiel, we see that 48% of Jordanians had Palestinian
roots, while only a few (4%) had Syrian relatives. The level
of education is considerably higher in the group of Jordanian
parents compared to the Syrian parents. Alle (except nine) von
the surveyed Syrian parents came to Jordan after 2011, welche
means that our Syrian sample contains, except for a negligible
fraction, refugee families that moved because of the outbreak
of the Syrian civil war (in our regressions, we focus on the
families that came to Jordan since 2011). We do not have
data on family income but can use information on parental
Ausbildung, household possessions, and books, which consti-
tute frequently used measures of socioeconomic status when
working with adolescents.7 In our regressions in section III,

their children away from double-shift schools to avoid any interaction with
refugees. Two factors speak against this concern. Erste, the families in our
sample are not wealthy enough to move to private schools. The average
annual fees for the private schools close to our thirteen double-shift schools
amount to around 600 JOD per child, representing 14% of annual per capita
BIP. With an average of 4.6 children per family, sending all of them to pri-
vate school would cost more than 60% of annual per capita GDP. Zweite,
the schools have strict catchment areas that substantially constrain school
Auswahl.

6To be precise, not all children in the morning shift are Jordanian and
not all children in the afternoon shift are Syrian. Ninety-five percent of
morning shift parents report being Jordanian (Und 2.7% Syrian), Und 88%
of the afternoon shift parents report being Syrian (Und 7.7% Jordanian).
In our analysis, we keep the full samples because non-Jordanian children
attending the morning shift are already more integrated into Jordanian so-
ciety and non-Syrian children in the afternoon are likely to have a refugee
background. Our results are robust to the exclusion of these children. Für
expositional simplicity, we refer to the children in the morning (afternoon)
shift as Jordanians (Syrians).

7The OECD/PISA SES index, comprising the components “parental edu-
cation,” “parental occupation,” and the family wealth possessions subindex,
has been validated as a reliable proxy for socioeconomic status (Schulz,
2005; Rutkowski & Rutkowski, 2013). The PISA SES index has been
used repeatedly to capture SES among teenagers (Hanushek & Woessmann,
2011; Woessmann, 2016), and the number of books available at home has

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DISCRIMINATION, NARRATIVES, AND FAMILY HISTORY

1011

we control for the background variables included in table A3
to account for potential effects of education, demographic
Variablen, or family history.

In the experiment, we implemented a sequence of three
tasks.8 In each of the first two tasks, subjects had to allocate
five toys between themselves and another, anonymous child.
In one task, the other child was from the same shift; im
other task, the other child was from the other shift. The se-
quence was randomized, but as we do not find meaningful
order effects, we will report results using the pooled data be-
low.9 In addition, we varied the salience of the two group
identities in the instructions. In one condition, we simply re-
ferred to children from the morning and afternoon shifts; In
another, we added the reminder that there are mainly Jorda-
nian children in the morning shift and mainly Syrian children
in the afternoon shift. This variation had no effect on behav-
ior, from which we conclude that all children were perfectly
aware of who attends the morning and afternoon shifts. Das
is not that surprising as the daily shift change features very
prominently in the school routine, with one shift marching
out of school while the next shift is approaching it (see Albert
et al., 2017, for a video of the shift change). In section III, Wir
focus on the pooled data.

In the third task, a third-party allocation task, subjects had
to allocate five toys between another child from the same shift
and a child from the other shift, with both children unknown to
the subject. They received five additional toys for themselves
for completing this task, independent of their choice.

In our data analysis, we build a composite measure of out-
group discrimination from these three tasks. This is done
mainly for two reasons. Erste, a compound measure reduces
measurement error (see Gillen, Snowberg, & Yariv, 2019).
Zweite, looking at all three tasks allows us to consider
out-group discrimination both when self-interest is involved
(tasks 1 Und 2) and when this is not the case (Aufgabe 3). In prin-
ciple, the extent of discrimination against an out-group may
variieren, contingent on whether self-interest is involved or not.
Zum Beispiel, studying only tasks 1 Und 2 could hide discrim-
inatory behavior if self-interest dominates and a child keeps
all five toys for him- or herself in both tasks. Only behavior
in task 3 (where self-interest is ruled out) would then reveal
any form of out-group discrimination. Somit, we believe that

been found to be another important proxy for SES in the PISA test (Woess-
mann, 2016).

8All tasks and rewards were piloted in a different double-shift school
one week before the actual experiment. This allowed us to ensure that the
children enjoyed receiving the different toys. We used different toys (z.B.,
balloons, pencils, or stickers) in each of the tasks to avoid diminishing
marginal returns but chose gender-neutral toys of a similar quality for each
Aufgabe. After the three tasks described in detail here, we implemented a fourth
task measuring grit (Duckworth et al., 2007; Alan, Boneva, & Ertac 2019).
We do not report the results from this task as it is orthogonal to the focus
of this paper and unrelated to issues of discrimination.

9Zum Beispiel, when we consider our main comparisons of giving behavior
(as in table 1) and use a regression analysis to interact these decisions with
a variable capturing the order of decisions, all the interaction coefficients
are insignificant.

it is a useful approach to combine all three tasks to elicit a
composite measure of out-group discrimination.10

In all three tasks, we opted to have an odd number of toys
to remove the possibility of a fifty-fifty split. Güth, Huck,
and Müller (2001) show that equal splits have an appeal to
participants over and above pure fairness considerations due
to their focal nature. Natürlich, this forces subjects to favor
one side over the other in each of the three tasks.

All of the children also completed two surveys, die Waren
part of a larger educational program financed by UNICEF
and administered by Integrated International. Our experiment
took place halfway between these two surveys.

We conducted the experiment with the help of thirteen thor-
oughly trained enumerators. All had worked with Integrated
International before and were experienced in administering
surveys to children. Children were taken out of their class-
rooms to complete the tasks one-on-one with the enumerators
to ensure that the children fully understood the tasks and were
not influenced by the other children in their class. Choices in
the sharing tasks were made directly with the toys. Nach
children had chosen their preferred allocation, the toys were
put into envelopes. The name of the decision-making child
was written on one of the envelopes, while the envelopes for
the passive receiving children remained blank. The receiv-
ing children were a different group from the active decision-
making children, and this was known to the active children;
das ist, they knew that they would not receive any rewards in
addition to the rewards they received from their own choices.
All envelopes were distributed at the end of the school day
(or the following day, when decisions made in the afternoon
were relevant for morning recipients). (For more details on
the procedures, see the online appendix.)

III. Ergebnisse

A. Children’s Behavior: Main Descriptive Statistics

Tisch 1 summarizes the main descriptive statistics for the
three tasks. The first column shows the average amount given
to the other child when the other child was in the same shift,
das ist, from the in-group. The second column shows the aver-
age amount given to the other child when the other child was
in the other shift, das ist, from the out-group. The third column
shows the difference between both amounts and whether this
difference is significantly different from 0. The fourth column
shows the average amount allocated in task 3 to a child from
the other shift. The fifth column presents an overall measure
of discrimination, derived from the three tasks in the follow-
ing way: We add (ich) the difference between the amount given
to a recipient from the in-group and the amount given to a

10In figure A1 in the online appendix, we plot the relationship between
out-group discrimination derived from tasks 1 Und 2 and out-group discrim-
ination in task 3. The figure reveals that there is no clear-cut relationship
between the two measures, which also suggests that in task 3, children did
not systematically favor the group that had received less when combining
the choices in tasks 1 Und 2.

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TABLE 1.—DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS AND HYPOTHESIS TESTS FOR THE THREE TASKS

Tasks 1 Und 2:
Giving to
In-Groupa

Tasks 1 Und 2:
Giving to
Out-Groupa

Tasks 1 Und 2:
Difference in Giving
(In-Group −
Out-Group)

Task 3:
Allocation to
Out-Groupb

Discrimination
(Aggregate
Measure)C

Morning shift (Jordanians)

Afternoon shift (Syrians)

P(Diff (cid:2) 0)

2.35
(0.67)
2.43
(0.69)
0.19

2.25
(0.59)
2.35
(0.70)
0.10

0.10**
(0.85)
0.08*
(0.87)
0.84

2.28***
(0.56)
2.24***
(0.63)
0.53

0.32***
(1.01)
0.34***
(1.10)
0.85

N

224

232

Standard deviations in parentheses; *P < .1, **p < .05, and ***p < .01. Significance levels indicated by asterisks result from testing for discrimination against the out-group (i.e., one-sided t-tests testing whether column 3 > 0, column 4 < 2.5, and column 5 > 0, jeweils).

aChildren were given five toys to distribute between themselves and another child in the respective shift. The figures in these columns (1 Und 2) report how many out of those five toys were given to the other child

(with the rest kept by the decision-making child).

bIn task 3, children had to allocate five toys between a child from their own shift and a child from the other shift. The figures in column 4 report how many toys were given to the child from the other shift.
cThe aggregate discrimination measure adds the discrimination from tasks 1 Und 2 to that in task 3, das ist, column 3 + (2.5 − column 4).

recipient from the out-group (in tasks 1 Und 2), Und (ii) Die
difference between 2.5 toys and the amount allocated to an
out-group child (in task 3). Higher values of this composite
index indicate stronger discrimination against the out-group
(das ist, against children from the other country), and we
observe values between −3.5 and 3.5 (theoretically, Werte
between −7.5 and 7.5 are possible). We draw three main
conclusions from table 1.

1. Our subjects from both the morning and the afternoon
shifts are unusually generous. All relevant models of
social preferences (such as Fehr & Schmidt, 1999;
Bolton & Ockenfels, 2000; or Charness & Rabin, 2002)
suggest that subjects will allocate at least three toys
to themselves, since disadvantageous inequality is as-
sumed to hurt more than advantageous inequality. Das
means that, on average, we should see at most two toys
being allocated to the other child. Im Gegensatz, what we
observe is that the recipient children get between 2.25
Und 2.43 toys on average. We observe 41.1% (resp.
33.0%) of subjects in the morning shift allocating more
to the other child than to themselves when the recipi-
ent is in the in-group (out-group). The corresponding
numbers for the afternoon shift are 45.3% (42.7%).11
2. While discrimination is statistically significant, Wann
looking at the combination of tasks 1 Und 2 (column
3), at task 3 nur (column 4), or when combining all
tasks (column 5), the magnitudes of the differences be-
tween giving to the in-group and out-group are small in
economic terms. Darüber hinaus, the level of discrimination
is statistically indistinguishable between Jordanian and
Syrian children in all cases.

3. In the third-party allocation task, subjects make, on av-
erage, choices that are very similar to their choices in
tasks 1 Und 2, where self-interest is involved. Specif-
isch, they treat a child from the same shift versus a
child from the other shift similarly to how they treat

11In figure A2 in the online appendix, we show the distribution of choices
in the three different tasks. Applying a Kolmogorov-Smirnov test we do
not see any significant distributional differences between morning and af-
ternoon shift for any of the three tasks.

themselves versus another child. Notice, Jedoch, Das
wieder, the average allocated to the other shift is above 2
for both groups. In the morning shift, 28.1% of subjects
favor the child from the other shift over the child from
their own shift; in the afternoon, es ist 25.9% of subjects.

B. Parents’ Narratives

When communities or entire nations experience a depar-
ture from life as usual, the collective effort to make sense of
events often results in multiple narratives being propagated
through society (Boudes & Laroche, 2009; Innes, 2010; Blin-
der & Allenm, 2016; Greussing & Boomgaarden, 2017; Eberl
et al., 2018). Somit, it is plausible that parents’ interpretation
of the Syrian refugee crisis and its impact on daily life in Jor-
dan is transmitted to their children, potentially influencing
their discriminatory behavior. To provide evidence on this,
we collected measures of the parents’ perceptions of the cri-
Schwester. Insbesondere, we asked parents to assess their agreement
with the following four statements on a scale from 1 (totally
disagree) Zu 10 (totally agree):

• “The Syrian crisis is a tragedy, and Jordanians should do
everything they can to help the Syrian refugees, irrespec-
tive of the costs.”

• “Jordanians have already done so much for the Syrian
refugees; it is time for other countries to do more to help.”

• “The Syrian crisis has increased housing rental prices in

Jordan.”

• “The Syrian crisis has made it more difficult to find jobs

in Jordan.”

Tisch 2 summarizes the average response to each of these
questions by the parents of Jordanian and Syrian children
(the full distributions are shown in figure A3 in the online ap-
pendix). The main observation is that, overall, the two groups
of parents share a relatively similar understanding of the

l

D
Ö
w
N
Ö
A
D
e
D

F
R
Ö
M
H

T
T

P

:
/
/

D
ich
R
e
C
T
.

M

ich
T
.

e
D
u
/
R
e
S
T
/

l

A
R
T
ich
C
e
–
P
D

F
/

/

/

/

1
0
5
4
1
0
0
8
2
1
4
2
5
6
1
/
R
e
S
T
_
A
_
0
1
0
9
0
P
D

.

F

B
j
G
u
e
S
T

T

Ö
N
0
7
S
e
P
e
M
B
e
R
2
0
2
3

DISCRIMINATION, NARRATIVES, AND FAMILY HISTORY

1013

TABLE 2.—PARENTS’ PERCEPTIONS OF THE REFUGEE CRISIS: AVERAGE AGREEMENT ON A SCALE FROM 1 (TOTALLY DISAGREE) TO 10 (TOTALLY AGREE)

Wahrnehmung

Jordanians morally obliged to help

Jordan has done enough

Rental prices increased

Jobs more difficult to find

N

Standard deviations in parentheses.

Parents of Children in
the Morning Shift
(Jordanians)

Parents of Children in
the Afternoon Shift
(Syrians)

7.4
(2.2)
8.7
(1.8)
8.2
(2.1)
7.9
(2.5)
187

8.1
(1.9)
9.0
(1.6)
8.6
(1.8)
8.0
(2.2)
208

P (Diff (cid:2) 0)
<0.01 0.22 0.04 0.72 crisis. One major difference is observed in the degree to which the parents assess the refugee crisis as being a tragedy, imply- ing a moral imperative that Jordanians should do everything they can to assist. On this dimension, Syrian parents are more strongly in favor than their Jordanian counterparts. However, both sets of parents agree to the same degree that Jordanians have done enough to help and that jobs are more difficult to find as a consequence of the Syrian crisis. Both groups find themselves agreeing that housing prices increased as a conse- quence of the crisis, with a slightly, but significantly, stronger sentiment measured for the Syrians, which is probably due to a larger fraction of renters among them. C. Covariates of Discrimination: The Role of Parents’ Narratives and Family History Although, on average, children do not discriminate a lot between their in-group and out-group, we want to understand how out-group discrimination depends on various covariates. In particular, we examine the role of parents’ narratives about the refugee crisis and the impact of a family history of refugee status. For this purpose, we regress our composite measure of out- group discrimination on children’s characteristics and their parents’ narratives, controlling for the background variables listed in table A3 in the online appendix. Table 3 shows our estimation results, clustering errors at the class level. Columns 1 and 2 consider Jordanian children from the morning shift, and columns 3 and 4 consider Syrian children from the afternoon shift. The first column for each shift reports estimates without controlling for background and SES variables, and the second includes these further con- trols (and table A4 in the online appendix shows the estimates for these controls). Given that this table includes explanatory variables that refer to parents, the number of observations is smaller than the total number of children because not all parents completed our questionnaire. There are two key insights from table 3. First, the fam- ily history of children from the host country matters. Jorda- nian children with Palestinian roots discriminate significantly less against Syrians than other Jordanians without Palestinian roots do. In fact, examining the relationship between Pales- tinian roots and out-group discrimination directly, we find that Jordanian children with Palestinian roots do not discrim- inate at all in favor of their in-group (i.e., fellow Jordanians).12 A plausible explanation for this is that a shared refugee iden- tity (even though at different points in time) substantially in- creases the Palestinians’ solidarity with Syrian refugee chil- dren.13 This is striking as the children with Palestinian roots have not been refugees themselves (for most of them, not even their parents were), but, of course, due to the ongoing conflict about their homeland, identifying as Palestinian is important to most Jordanian adults whose parents or grand- parents were forced to leave in 1948 or later. We also note that having Syrian relatives reduces out-group discrimination of Jordanian children significantly, even more so in magni- tude than having Palestinian roots. While this result may not be surprising (Jordanian children with Syrian relatives may be expected to treat Syrian refugee children relatively better than Jordanians without Syrian relatives do), recall that the number of Jordanian children with Syrian relatives is very small (at 4%; see table A3 in the online appendix). Second, parents’ narratives about the refugee crisis mat- ter. While parental narratives are jointly significant for both populations (F-test, p < 0.08 for the morning shift and p < 0.01 for the afternoon shift), they are particularly important for the Syrian population. Among them, parents’ narratives appear to be more closely associated with children’s discrim- inatory behavior against the out-group. Three of the four nar- ratives are significant in isolation, with coefficient signs that point in the directions one would expect.14 When parents 12Specifically, a regression of discrimination on only the binary Pales- tinian roots variable and a constant (with standard errors clustered at the class level as in table 3) yields a Palestinian roots coefficient of −0.342 (p = 0.044) and a constant of 0.489 (p < 0.001). The implied out-group discrimination level of children with Palestinian roots is 0.147 (p = 0.290), which is not statistically different from 0. 13We cannot completely rule out alternative explanations, such as the possibility that children with Palestinian roots differ systematically from other Jordanian children without Palestinian roots along some dimension that is independent of their heritage. However, given that we can control in table 3 for a host of background variables of parents (including education and proxies for income), we consider such alternative explanations to be unlikely. 14We conjectured that narratives that stress the burden imposed by refugees on Jordanians would reduce out-group discrimination, while narra- tives that stress Syrian entitlement would increase out-group discrimination. l D o w n o a d e d f r o m h t t p : / / d i r e c t . m i t . e d u / r e s t / l a r t i c e - p d f / / / / 1 0 5 4 1 0 0 8 2 1 4 2 5 6 1 / r e s t _ a _ 0 1 0 9 0 p d . f b y g u e s t t o n 0 7 S e p e m b e r 2 0 2 3 1014 THE REVIEW OF ECONOMICS AND STATISTICS Dependent Variable: Out-Group Discrimination − Composite Index Time going to that school (years) Out-group friends at school (=1) Number of out-group friends Out-group friends at school (=1) × Number of out-group friends Having Syrian relatives (=1) Having Palestinian roots (=1) Having Jordanian relatives (=1) Distance from origin to Amman (in 100 km) Time in Jordan (years) Jordanians morally obliged to help Jordan has done enough Rental prices increased Jobs more difficult to find SES controls R² Observationsa TABLE 3.—COVARIATES OF OUT-GROUP DISCRIMINATION (1) Jordanian Children, Morning Shift (2) Jordanian Children, Morning Shift (with SES)# (3) Syrian Children, Afternoon Shift (41) Syrian Children, Afternoon Shift (with SES)b 0.014 (0.082) −0.069 (0.195) 0.045 (0.131) −0.010 (0.138) −0.660* (0.380) −0.347** (0.150) 0.035 (0.033) −0.063 (0.051) 0.062** (0.028) −0.032 (0.024) No 0.07 178 0.047 (0.092) −0.020 (0.214) 0.057 (0.125) −0.051 (0.134) −0.712* (0.356) −0.337* (0.174) 0.022 (0.035) −0.035 (0.050) 0.068** (0.029) −0.031 (0.027) Yes 0.12 178 −0.099 (0.093) 0.108 (0.181) −0.043 (0.033) 0.043 (0.048) −0.112 (0.230) −0.062 (0.056) −0.018 (0.091) 0.086** (0.032) −0.122* (0.060) 0.047 (0.048) −0.069** (0.034) No 0.06 174 −0.144 (0.095) 0.077 (0.189) −0.038 (0.038) 0.043 (0.053) −0.183 (0.257) −0.050 (0.055) −0.023 (0.084) 0.096*** (0.032) −0.117* (0.065) 0.026 (0.057) −0.076** (0.030) Yes 0.11 174 Cluster-robust standard errors (clustered at the class level) in parentheses; “number of out-group friends” is mean centralized. See the appendix for full regression results. aNine parents did not indicate whether they had Syrian relatives or Palestinian roots. For some parents of children in the afternoon shift, we do not have information on their origin in Syria and whether they have relatives in Jordan. Moreover, we have excluded nine observations from the afternoon shift that reported an arrival time in Jordan before the outbreak of the war. This explains the lower number of observations in the regressions compared to table 1. bSee table A4 in the online appendix for the full model that also shows the estimates for the SES-control variables listed in table A3. *p < .1, **p < .05, and ***p < .01. think that “Jordan has done enough” and that, as a conse- quence of the refugee influx, “jobs are more difficult to find,” Syrian children discriminate less. With standard deviations (SD) around 2 in these variables, a 1 SD increase in agree- ment to both of these statements is associated with a decrease of 0.4 SD in out-group discrimination. However, if they agree more strongly with the statement that “the crisis is a tragedy, and Jordanians should do everything they can to help the Syr- ian refugees,” then their children discriminate more against the Jordanians. For the Jordanian children, narratives of par- ents are less often (although jointly) significant. Yet also for them, we see that stronger parental agreement to the statement of “rental prices increased because of the refugee crisis” is associated with more out-group discrimination against Syr- ian children. This suggests that a narrative stressing increased economic hardships (here, regarding the market for real es- tate) goes hand in hand with more out-group discrimination against the out-group that is blamed for being responsible for these hardships.15 15It is important to note that the differing roles of the two groups in relation to each of the narratives manifests in mirrored sign predictions for the regression coefficients (e.g., a negative coefficient for Jordanians and a positive coefficient for Syrians, for an economic harm narrative, since We do not find robust evidence in support of the con- tact hypothesis (Amir, 1969; Rao, 2019) which predicts less out-group discrimination by those who are exposed to more contact with an out-group. Neither the number of out-group friends at school nor the total number of friends from the out-group are significantly related to the degree of out-group discrimination once we control for family background.16 The education of parents, however, matters. Compared to the benchmark of “Literate, but incomplete high-school,” higher education of parents reduces the level of out-group discrimination significantly (see table A4 in the online ap- pendix). Household size or belongings (like a smartphone or books) do not matter for the extent of out-group discrimina- tion.17 both may view the arrival of the Syrian refugees as the “cause” of the change in Jordanian society). 16A potential correlation between these two variables, or with the time spent at the school variable, might raise issues of multicollinearity. Yet these correlations are lower than one might expect (pair-wise Pearson cor- relation coefficients never exceed 0.31), and for each of the variables that we use, the variation that is unexplained by the remaining variables exceeds commonly used thresholds to indicate multicollinearity. To further reduce linear dependency when using an interaction term, we mean-centralize the number of out-group friends. 17With respect to religion, the vast majority of subjects in our sample are likely to be Muslims since about 95% of Jordanians and almost 90% of l D o w n o a d e d f r o m h t t p : / / d i r e c t . m i t . e d u / r e s t / l a r t i c e - p d f / / / / 1 0 5 4 1 0 0 8 2 1 4 2 5 6 1 / r e s t _ a _ 0 1 0 9 0 p d . f b y g u e s t t o n 0 7 S e p e m b e r 2 0 2 3 DISCRIMINATION, NARRATIVES, AND FAMILY HISTORY 1015 IV. Conclusion We study discrimination by and against refugee children to understand the roots of discriminatory behavior between na- tive and immigrant children that, other than their refugee sta- tus, largely share a common language, culture, and religion. Our unique setting in Jordanian double-shift schools, which teach native Jordanians in the morning shift and refugee Syr- ian children in the afternoon, can thus capture the effect of refugee status with respect to being discriminated against and discriminating against others. Using data from a survey of parents enables us to address the role of narratives and family history on discrimination. Our study shows remarkably little out-group discrimina- tion among Jordanian and Syrian refugee children (despite being significant, the extent of out-group discrimination is economically small). This is coupled with very high levels of generosity toward others. Both findings contrast sharply with similar experiments in Western settings (Sutter, Zoller, & Glätzle-Rützler, 2019, for a survey). One caveat of our results is that our experimental design does not allow us to isolate the underlying reason for this observed generosity (and hence provide a complete explanation for the difference in relation to Western settings). However, a shared religion, culture, and language, as well as Bedouin hospitality cul- ture and the Kingdom of Jordan’s history of absorbing and integrating refugees, are all factors that may contribute to the striking pattern.18 Differentiating between these poten- tial drivers of prosocial behavior in a cross-country setting could be an exciting avenue for future research. The data collected from our experiment and the corre- sponding survey, however, allow us to contribute to under- standing the channels that drive differences in out-group discrimination within the population we sample from (as op- posed to explaining the low baseline level that we observe throughout). Parents’ narratives about the refugee crisis mat- ter, in particular for Syrian children whose lives have been much more dramatically altered than the lives of the Jorda- nian families. If parents hold narratives that Jordan as the host country should do more for Syrians, we see more out- group discrimination by Syrian children (against Jordanian children). At the same time, parental perceptions of the eco- nomic consequences of the refugee crisis are related to chil- dren’s out-group discrimination for both groups of children. Equally important to our finding on the role of narratives is our result for the Jordanian population where we observe that children with Palestinian roots do not discriminate at all against Syrian children. Clearly, family history (going Syrians are. We did not ask for the degree of religiosity, which one might consider to be potentially important for out-group discrimination. Yet it is unclear what to expect. More religious individuals might want to treat all humans equally, independent of group membership. At the same time, more religious people might discriminate more on the basis of expectations about a recipient’s religiosity. In fact, Chuah et al. (2016) show that more religious people are more willing to discriminate. 18See Alshoubaki and Harris (2018) for the role of such factors for suc- cessful integration of Syrians in Jordan. back over fifty years) matters for the prosocial behavior of the children we observe. 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