Context-dependent Semantic Processing in the Human - Am MIT spezialisierte KI-Forschung

Context-dependent Semantic Processing in the Human
Gehirn: Evidence from Idiom Comprehension

Joost Rommers1, Ton Dijkstra2, and Marcel Bastiaansen1,2

Abstrakt

■ Language comprehension involves activating word meanings
and integrating them with the sentence context. This study ex-
amined whether these routines are carried out even when they
are theoretically unnecessary, nämlich, in the case of opaque
idiomatic expressions, for which the literal word meanings are
unrelated to the overall meaning of the expression. Predictable
words in sentences were replaced by a semantically related or
unrelated word. In literal sentences, this yielded previously
established behavioral and electrophysiological signatures of
semantic processing: semantic facilitation in lexical decision, A
reduced N400 for semantically related relative to unrelated

Wörter, and a power increase in the gamma frequency band that
was disrupted by semantic violations. Jedoch, the same ma-
nipulations in idioms yielded none of these effects. Stattdessen, se-
mantic violations elicited a late positivity in idioms. Darüber hinaus,
gamma band power was lower in correct idioms than in cor-
rect literal sentences. It is argued that the brainʼs semantic
expectancy and literal word meaning integration operations
can, to some extent, be “switched off” when the context ren-
ders them unnecessary. Außerdem, the results lend support
to models of idiom comprehension that involve unitary idiom
Darstellungen. ■

EINFÜHRUNG

Most current neurocognitive models of sentence com-
prehension are compositional in nature, involving two
main operations, which continuously interact and overlap
in time: (1) incoming wordsʼ meanings are accessed and
(2) these meanings are incrementally integrated (vereinheitlicht)
with the preceding context to build up the message level
meaning of the entire sentence (Hagoort, 2005; see also
Werning, Hinzen, & Machery, 2011). Although this frame-
work successfully accounts for a wide range of phenomena
in the comprehension of literal sentences, little research
has investigated whether these two brain operations can
explain the processing of all possible linguistic input. Für
Beispiel, language use in everyday conversation contains
many idioms (Sprenger, 2003; Jackendoff, 1995), a subclass
of fixed expressions in which the meanings of the individ-
ual words are often completely unrelated to the meaning of
the expression as a whole (z.B., to spill the beans, Bedeutung
to let out a secret).

What happens to accessing literal word meanings dur-
ing the comprehension of idioms? And does the language
system still engage in the process of unifying word mean-
ings while processing idioms? Obviously, analyzing idioms
compositionally would only lead to activation of the literal
Bedeutung (z.B., spilling actual beans) instead of the relevant
figurative meaning of the idiom as a whole. Daher, the op-
erations of activation and unification of literal word mean-

1Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen, Der
Niederlande, 2Radboud University Nijmegen, Die Niederlande

ings are theoretically unnecessary for comprehending
idioms. Jedoch, it is an empirical question whether or
not these seemingly routine operations are actually less
engaged during idiom comprehension than during the
comprehension of literal sentences. Somit, idioms provide
a test bed for investigating the roles of these operations
during sentence comprehension. It is possible that when-
ever we hear or read a word, regardless of the context in
which it occurs, we activate its meaning and attempt to
unify it with the preceding context. Andererseits,
the activation and unification of literal word meanings
could be operations that are only carried out when they
are really necessary, das ist, when comprehending com-
positional linguistic input. This study aims to answer this
question, employing both behavioral and electrophysiolog-
ical methods.

Activation and Unification of Literal Word
Meanings in Idiom Comprehension

The issue of literal word meaning activation has featured
prominently in models of idiom comprehension. Some
of these models pose no intrinsic limits on the activation
of literal word meanings. Zum Beispiel, the lexical repre-
sentation hypothesis assumes that the entire idiom is re-
trieved as a whole, like any lexical item, but literal word
meanings are activated because a literal analysis runs
along in parallel with the retrieval of the figurative mean-
ing (Swinney & Cutler, 1979). Hybrid models, auf dem anderen
Hand, represent idioms as units—lexical concept nodes

Zeitschrift für kognitive Neurowissenschaften 25:5, S. 762–776
doi:10.1162/jocn_a_00337

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(Cutting & Bock, 1997) or superlemmas (Sprenger, Levelt,
& Kempen, 2006)—that are connected to the representa-
tions of the single words they are composed of, thus allow-
ing for activation to spread from the idiom to its literal
word meanings.

Other models allow no literal word meaning activation
or constrain it to certain situations. Zum Beispiel, the idiom
list hypothesis predicts that literal word meanings should
not be activated, because idioms are assumed to be stored
as lexical items in a list separate from the rest of the lexicon
(Bobrow & Glocke, 1973). In the direct access hypothesis, zündete-
eral word meanings are only computed when the idiomatic
interpretation does not fit the context (Gibbs, 1980). Ac-
cording to the configuration hypothesis, incoming words
are analyzed literally, but only until sufficient information
has accumulated for the reader or listener to recognize
the idiom as such (Cacciari & Tabossi, 1988). After this
Punkt (the “key” of the idiom) words are not analyzed lit-
erally anymore.

There is both evidence for and against literal word mean-
ing activation in idiom comprehension. In support of the
activation of literal word meanings, it has been shown that
words in idioms can prime other words that are related to
their literal meaning (z.B., kick the bucket primes pail;
Sprenger et al., 2006; Hillert & Swinney, 2001; Colombo,
1993; Cacciari & Tabossi, 1988; Swinney, 1981). Jedoch,
other studies have demonstrated a lack of literal word
meaning activation in idioms. Peterson, Bürger, Dell,
and Eberhard (2001) found that, when participants were
asked to complete predictable sentence contexts with a
spoken target word, there was a concreteness effect in lit-
eral sentences (shorter speech onset latencies for abstract
than concrete target words) but not in idioms, vorschlagen
that literal word meanings were not processed. Weiter-
mehr, in an fMRI study, somatotopically distributed acti-
vation of the motor system was observed for action verbs
in isolation (z.B., grab/kick), in literal sentences (z.B., Der
fruit cake was the last one so Claire grabbed it), but not
in idioms in sentences (z.B., The job offer was a great
chance so Claire grabbed it; Raposo, Moss, Stamatakis,
& Tyler, 2009). Motor cortex activation has only been
found for action verbs in unpredictable idioms without
much contextual support (z.B., John kicked the bucket;
Boulenger, Hauk, & Pulvermüller, 2009). Zusammenfassend,
models and results on literal word meaning activation are
mixed.

To our knowledge, all studies thus far have only looked
at the activation of literal word meanings: no study has
looked at the issue of semantic unification in idioms,
and models of idiom comprehension have not explicitly
addressed the issue. Semantic unification refers to the
process of integrating word meanings by combining them
into larger units (vgl. Hagoort, 2005). It is conceivable that if
idioms are partly represented as units and retrieved as such
from memory, as in the hybrid models discussed pre-
viously (Sprenger et al., 2006; Cutting & Bock, 1997), Die
individual words need not be integrated, and therefore, Die

unification process should be less engaged in idioms
compared with literal language.

One technique with which both word access processes
and unification have been studied extensively is the record-
ing of the brainʼs voltage fluctuations in the EEG. Vor
outlining this study, we turn to a discussion of the electro-
physiological correlates of semantic processing.

Electrophysiological Signatures of
Semantic Processing

In language comprehension studies, the EEG signal from
multiple trials is most commonly averaged to form ERPs
containing several components. The most well-known
component is the N400 (Kutas & Hillyard, 1980), welche
is generally thought to index both word retrieval and inte-
gration processes (Kutas & Federmeier, 2011; Lau, Phillips,
& Kacke, 2008). In an experiment of particular relevance
to this study, Federmeier and Kutas (1999) presented par-
ticipants with contexts consisting of two sentences that
were predictive of a specific word, such as “They wanted
to make the hotel look more like a tropical resort. Also
along the driveway they planted rows of….” There were
three conditions. The context ended with the expected
word (z.B., palms), an anomalous word from the same se-
mantic category as the expected word (z.B., Kiefern), or an
anomalous word from a different semantic category (z.B.,
tulips). Both anomalies elicited N400 effects relative to the
expected word, but the N400 to the words from the same
semantic category as the expected word was significantly
smaller compared with the words from a different semantic
category. Zusätzlich, the N400 to words from the expected
semantic category was smaller in more highly constraining
contexts compared with less constraining contexts, despite
their lower rated plausibility in those sentences. From this
pattern of results, Federmeier and Kutas concluded that
context can lead to specific semantic expectations.

To our knowledge, few published ERP studies have in-
vestigated idiom comprehension, and their N400 results
have been mixed. Laurent, Denhieres, Passerieux, Iakimova,
and Hardy-Bayle (2006) observed smaller N400 amplitudes
for the last word of an idiom when its idiomatic meaning
was more salient than when it was less salient (wie beurteilt
in terms of conventionality, frequency, Vertrautheit, or proto-
typicality). Proverbio, Crotti, Zani, and Adorni (2009) ob-
served a larger N400 to words in idiomatic than literal
phrases. Moreno, Federmeier, and Kutas (2002) observed
Das, relative to predictable words, “lexical switches” (syno-
nyms) showed larger N400 amplitudes in both literal and
idiomatic contexts, suggesting similar semantic processes
(see also Liu, Li, Shu, Zhang, & Chen, 2010). Vespignani,
Canal, Molinaro, Fonda, and Cacciari (2010) focused on
predictions and manipulated words in idioms that were
either at the key of the idiom or one position further down-
stream in the sentence. When the word at the key was re-
placed with a different word, this led to an N400 effect. Eins
word further downstream in the sentence, a replacement

Rommers, Dijkstra, and Bastiaansen

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also led to an N400, but the control condition in which the
entire idiom was left intact elicited a P300, suggesting the
presence of a special type of predictability in idiom com-
prehension (vgl. Molinaro & Carreiras, 2010).

Besides ERPs, in recent years, an interest has grown in
characterizations of the ongoing oscillatory activity in the
EEG and MEG signal, mainly by examining power increases
and decreases over time in different frequency bands,
which reflect increasing and decreasing synchronization
(Bastiaansen, Mazaheri, & Jensen, 2012; Bastiaansen &
Hagoort, 2006). Semantic integration or unification opera-
tions have been found to induce power changes in the
gamma frequency band (around 30–80 Hz). Although the
functional significance of oscillatory changes during lan-
guage processing is not as well understood as that of ERPs
such as the N400, multiple studies now converge on the
finding that normal semantic unification is accompanied
by an increase in gamma band synchronization, welches ist
disrupted upon encountering semantic unification diffi-
culties, such as semantically anomalous words (Peña &
Melloni, 2012; Urrutia, de Vega, & Bastiaansen, 2012; Wang,
Zhu, & Bastiaansen, 2012; Hald, Bastiaansen, & Hagoort,
2006; Hagoort, Hald, Bastiaansen, & Petersson, 2004).

The Present Study

In this study, we examined the roles of semantic expec-
tancy and semantic unification of literal word meanings in
sentence comprehension. Speziell, we investigated

whether these operations are carried out even in situations
where they are theoretically unnecessary: nämlich, im
comprehension of (Dutch) idiomatic expressions (exam-
Bitte: tegen de lamp lopen, zündete. to walk against the lamp,
meaning to get caught).

Participants were presented with two types of equally
predictable sentence contexts: literal and idiomatic (sehen
Tisch 1). Following Federmeier and Kutas (1999), in both
contexts the critical word was (1) a correct and expected
word (COR condition), (2) a word that was semantically
related to the expected word (REL condition), oder (3) A
semantically unrelated word (UNREL condition). Beide
(2) Und (3) were semantic violations.

Note that in this design the COR word was never actu-
ally presented in the REL and UNREL conditions but only
predictable from the sentence context; daher, the contrast
between the REL and UNREL conditions allowed for the
investigation of the activation of literal word meanings
based on the context alone. Als solche, this study builds
on work concerning expectations for upcoming words
(für eine Rezension, see Federmeier, 2007). Given our focus on
semantics, we use the term “semantic expectancy.”

Two experiments were carried out. In Experiment 1,
participants read sentences and performed a lexical deci-
sion task on the critical words, a well-established measure
of lexical access that is influenced by semantic variables
(Meyer & Schvaneveldt, 1971). If literal word meanings
are not activated by idiomatic contexts, we expected a
semantic effect (d.h., shorter lexical decision latencies to
words from the REL compared with the UNREL condition)

Tisch 1. Dutch Example Sentences and Their Literal Translation Equivalents in English

Condition

Idiomatic Context

COR

REL

Example

Na vele transacties liep de onvoorzichtige fraudeur uiteindelijk tegen de lamp gisteren.

After many transactions the careless scammer eventually walked against the lamp yesterday.

Na vele transacties liep de onvoorzichtige fraudeur uiteindelijk tegen de kaars gisteren.

After many transactions the careless scammer eventually walked against the candle yesterday.

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UNREL

Na vele transacties liep de onvoorzichtige fraudeur uiteindelijk tegen de vis gisteren.

After many transactions the careless scammer eventually walked against the fish yesterday.

Literal Context

COR

REL

Na de lunch draaide de electricien het nieuwe peertje in de lamp gisteren.

After lunch the electrician screwed the new light bulb into the lamp yesterday.

Na de lunch draaide de electricien het nieuwe peertje in de kaars gisteren.

After lunch the electrician screwed the new light bulb into the candle yesterday.

UNREL

Na de lunch draaide de electricien het nieuwe peertje in de vis gisteren.

After lunch the electrician screwed the new light bulb into the fish yesterday.

The figurative meaning of the idiomatic context with the correct critical word (lamp) is After many transactions the careless scammer eventually got
caught yesterday. Critical words are underlined.

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Zeitschrift für kognitive Neurowissenschaften

Volumen 25, Nummer 5

in literal but not in idiomatic contexts. This finding would
point to differences in word retrieval in idioms compared
with literal sentences.

In Experiment 2, other participants read the same sen-
tences while their EEG was recorded, but no task was in-
volved other than to read for comprehension. In the ERPs
to literal sentences, we expected to obtain a “graded” N400
pattern similar to what Federmeier and Kutas (1999) ob-
serviert, with a reduction in N400 amplitude for the REL
condition compared with the UNREL condition. For words
in idioms, the same graded N400 pattern was predicted to
occur only if semantic expectancy for literal word meanings
extends to this type of context. If literal word meanings
do not form part of expectancies in idiomatic contexts,
the N400 response to the REL condition should not differ
from that to the UNREL condition. Regarding power changes,
in literal sentences, as in previous studies, increases in
gamma band power were predicted to be disrupted by se-
mantically anomalous words (the REL and UNREL condi-
tionen) compared with the COR condition. If the semantic
unification load is higher for the UNREL than for the
REL condition, there should also be a difference between
these conditions in the gamma band. Wichtig, Wir
hypothesized that if semantic unification is less engaged
in idioms than in literal sentences, any semantic effects
should disappear in idioms. Endlich, also in the correct sen-
tences, more gamma power should be observed in literal
Sätze, where semantic unification continues, als in
idioms.

EXPERIMENT 1

Methoden

Teilnehmer

Twenty-four student volunteers from Radboud Univer-
sity Nijmegen (Durchschnittsalter = 22 Jahre, range = 18–26 years,
17 women and 7 men) were paid for their participation in
the experiment. All were right-handed native speakers of
Dutch with normal or corrected-to-normal vision and no
history of neurological disorders or language disorders.
None of them took part in any of the pretests.

Materials and Design

The materials consisted of 90 sets of six sentences (sehen
Tisch 1). In every set, the critical word was either the final
noun of an idiom (zum Beispiel, “lamp” in the Dutch idiom
“tegen de lamp lopen”) or the same noun in a literal con-
Text. To avoid interference from sentence wrap-up effects,
critical words were never placed in the final position of a
Satz. The design included two within-subject factors:
Idiomaticity, with two levels (Literal, Idiomatic) specifying
the type of context, and Condition, with three levels
(COR, REL, UNREL) specifying the type of critical word
in the context. Across the item set, the same critical words
were used in the Idiomatic sentences and their Literal

counterparts. The materials were divided among six lists
using a Latin square design such that no sentence context
or critical word was repeated within a list. Each list
bestand aus 240 Sätze: 90 experimental items
(45 idioms, 45 literal sentences, with each condition
[COR, REL, UNREL] being represented by 15 Sätze),
45 idiomatic sentences with a pseudoword as the critical
word, 45 literal sentences with a pseudoword as the criti-
cal word, Und 60 fillers of which 30 had a pseudoword
as the critical word. Daher, 50% of the trials contained a
pseudoword. Each of the six lists was used for four par-
ticipants, who each received a different randomization.

Pretests

The items were pretested on several dimensions (sehen
below). We started out with 151 Artikel. In the course of
pretesting, items were discarded when they did not meet
certain criteria, leaving a final set of 90 items for the
experiments.

Idiom selection and ratings. We selected familiar and
nontransparent (opaque) idioms, das ist, well-known
idioms of which the individual word meanings were un-
related to the overall meaning of the expression, based
on a paper-and-pencil pretest. Using our own sense of
Transparenz, 151 opaque idiomatic expressions (für in-
Haltung, “tegen de lamp lopen,” to walk against the lamp,
to get caught) Und 151 transparent idioms (zum Beispiel,
“iemand voor de rechter slepen,” to drag someone be-
fore the judge, to sue someone) were selected from a
Dutch idiom dictionary (de Groot, 1999). The items were
pseudorandomized. Idioms were presented in infinitival
bilden (z.B., “tegen de lamp lopen,” to walk against the
lamp), with the critical word underlined for the transpar-
ency ratings. For the familiarity ratings, participants an-
swered three multiple choice questions by circling one
of three answers: (1) “How often do you come across this
Ausdruck?” (often/sometimes/never), (2) “Do you know
its meaning?” (yes/approximately/no), Und (3) “Do you
use it yourself?” (often/sometimes/never). In the analysis,
answers were coded as 0 (never/no), 1 (sometimes/
etwa), oder 2 (often/yes) and added up for each
idiom for each participant separately, yielding “idiom fa-
miliarity values” ranging from 0 (unfamiliar) Zu 6 (highly
vertraut). For the transparency ratings, Teilnehmer waren
asked to rate each expressionʼs transparency by judging
“to what extent the underlined word has something to
do with the figurative meaning of the expression” on a
scale from 1 (not transparent at all ) Zu 7 (very transpar-
ent). Twenty students (Durchschnittsalter = 21 Jahre, range =
18–25 years, 14 women and 6 men) were paid for partic-
ipation. Testing took approximately 1 Std. Only idioms
for which at least 90% of the participants had a familiarity
value of 2 or higher were included in the experiment,
which led to the removal of 35 Artikel. The average famil-
iarity value of the 90 items used in the experiments (d.h.,

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after removal of 61 items based on all pretests including
this one and those discussed below) War 4.2 (SD = 0.6,
range = 2.8–5.6).

Transparency ratings from participants who did not
know an idiom (familiarity value below 2) were discarded
before computing the average transparency per item.
Four idioms were discarded because they were close to
or on the transparent side of the scale (average transpar-
ency rating above 3.5). The final set of 90 items used in
the experiments, with transparency ratings averaged over
participants for each item, had a transparency rating of
2.0 (SD = 0.5, range = 1.1–3.5).

Word characteristics. Words for the REL condition
were obtained in two steps. Erste, free association norms
for Dutch words (van Loon-Vervoorn & van Bekkum,
1991; de Groot & de Bil, 1987; Lauteslager, Schaap, &
Schievels, 1986) were consulted in order of recency of
Veröffentlichung. Norms were available for 42 of the 90 COR
Wörter. Associated words were not used if they were
grammatically inappropriate as a substitution for the COR
word or semantically too appropriate in the sentence (d.h.,
they would not have yielded a semantic violation). On aver-
Alter, the third most frequent association was selected, mit
the average association frequency being 10%. The remain-
ing items were selected and assessed using latent semantic
Analyse (LSA; Landauer & Dumais, 1997, available on-line
at lsa.colorado.edu/), a semantic similarity measure that
computes how often two words co-occur with the same
set of other words. Following Chwilla and Kolk (2002), crit-
ical words were translated to English and submitted to the
on-line “pairwise (term to term) comparison,” once com-
paring the REL to the COR word and once comparing the
UNREL to the COR word, using the General_Reading_up_
to_1st_year_college topic space. The LSA values confirmed
that words from the REL condition were on average more
highly related (0.36, SD = 0.19) than the UNREL words
(0.08, SD = 0.05), T(89) = 13.68, P < .001. The log-transformed lemma frequency per million and word length of the critical words were extracted from the Dutch CELEX lexical database (Baayen, Piepenbrock, & Gulikers, 1993). The conditions did not differ significantly in word frequency, F(2, 267) = 1.42, p = .244, which was 1.5 on average (SD = 0.5), but there was a difference in word length, F(2, 267) = 5.78, p < .01, with words from the REL condition being longer compared with both the COR words, p < .01, and the UNREL words, p < .05. However, the effect size was only half a character (REL: 5 characters, vs. UNREL and COR: 4.5 characters). Because the same critical words were used in literal and idiomatic contexts, any effects of idiomaticity cannot be attributed to lexical characteristics. Cloze probability. For the purpose of this study, we wanted to vary the context categorically (literal vs. idio- matic) while controlling for the cloze probability of the COR words; therefore, we performed a paper-and-pencil cloze probability test. All 302 sentence contexts up to the critical word were included (this was at a stage before re- moval of items based on familiarity and transparency) and divided into two randomized lists. Idiomatic and literal con- texts that were predictive of the same word did not appear on the same list. Thirty participants (mean age = 21 years, range = 18–30 years, 20 women and 10 men; one addi- tional participant was excluded from analysis for having grown up outside the Netherlands) were instructed to complete each sentence fragment with the first word or words that came to mind, keeping it short but grammatical without trying to be original. Fifteen participants were randomly assigned to each list, with eight of them receiv- ing the items in reversed order compared with the other seven. Testing took approximately half an hour. A subset of eight literal items was rewritten and clozed separately by 15 other students (mean age = 22 years, range = 19– 24 years, eight women and seven men). For the 90 items used in the experiments (i.e., after selection based on all pretests including the plausibility test described below), critical words in literal and idiomatic sentences had similar cloze probabilities (.82, SD = .20 and .85, SD = .20, respec- tively), t(89) = 1.262, p = .210. Cloze probability for the two types of violations was always zero. Plausibility ratings. To test whether one of the two types of violation was an unlikely but plausible ending and the word could therefore be integrated into its sen- tence context, an independent group of 30 participants (mean age = 22 years, range = 18–32 years, 20 women and 10 men) was asked to rate the plausibility of each sentence on a scale from 1 (highly implausible) to 7 (highly plausible). Where Dutch grammar allowed for it, sentence fragments after the critical words were removed. A set of 666 sentences (111 sets of six sentences each, consisting of the 96 sets of sentences that had met the familiarity, transparency, and cloze probability criteria and some additional items that had not yet been discarded) were divided among three lists using a Latin square design to avoid repetition of critical words or sentence contexts. Each of the three lists was completed by 10 participants, of whom five received the items in reversed order. Testing took approximately 1 hr. Items were excluded if the REL or UNREL condition re- ceived an average plausibility rating above 4 (i.e., was on the plausible side of the scale), which was the case for 6 of the 96 items. The ratings for the final 90 sets of six items that were used in the EEG experiment (see Table 2) were submitted to a by-participants 2 × 3 repeated-measures ANOVA with two within-subject factors: Idiomaticity (Lit- eral, Idiomatic) and Condition (COR, REL, UNREL). All p and mean squared error (MSE ) values are Greenhouse– Geisser corrected where necessary, but the original degrees of freedom are reported. Plausibility ratings were higher in Literal contexts (3.51, SE = 0.10) than in Idiomatic con- texts (3.29, SE = 0.09), F(1, 29) = 20.955, MSE = .106, p < .001. There was a main effect of Condition, F(2, 58) = 766 Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience Volume 25, Number 5 D o w n l o a d e d f r o m l l / / / / j t t f / i t . : / / h t t p : / D / o m w i n t o p a r d c e . d s f i r o l m v e h r c p h a d i i r r e . c c t . o m m / j e d o u c n o / c a n r a t r i t i c c l e e - p - d p d 2 f 5 / 5 2 5 7 / 6 5 2 / 1 7 9 6 4 2 5 / 6 1 1 7 4 7 o 8 c 9 n 9 _ 3 a / _ j 0 o 0 c 3 n 3 7 _ a p _ d 0 0 b 3 y 3 g 7 u . e p s t d o f n b 0 y 8 S M e I p T e m L i b b e r r a 2 r 0 i 2 3 e s / j t / . f u s e r o n 1 7 M a y 2 0 2 1 Table 2. Mean Plausibility Ratings for the Sentences on a Scale from 1 (Highly Implausible) to 7 (Highly Plausible) Condition COR REL UNREL Literal 6.2 (0.6) 2.4 (0.8) 1.9 (0.7) Context Idiomatic 6.3 (0.4) 1.9 (0.8) 1.7 (0.7) Standard deviations are indicated between parentheses. 799.20, MSE = .747, p < .001, and the interaction between Idiomaticity and Condition was also significant, F(2, 58) = 30.12, MSE = .067, p < .001. Simple effects tests revealed that all three conditions differed from one another in both contexts (all ps < .01). COR words were marginally more plausible in Idiomatic contexts than in Literal contexts, F(1, 29) = 3.999, MSE = .162, p = .055, whereas the REL and UNREL conditions were more implausible in Idiomatic than in Literal contexts, F(1, 29) = 47.980, MSE = .200, p < .001 and F(1, 29) = 17.689, MSE = .103, p < .001, re- spectively. As described in the Discussion, the plausibility ratings were not directly related to the effects observed in the experiments. Procedure Participants were tested individually in a single session in a soundproof room. The presentation of the visual stimuli and the recording of the RTs were controlled by a computer program and a dedicated button box developed by the Donders Centre for Cognition. The participants sat at a table with the computer monitor at a 60-cm distance. They received a Dutch-written in- struction, repeated orally, which informed them that they would see a series of sequentially presented words. One of these words was presented in red color (similar to Schwartz & Kroll, 2006), and they were asked to de- cide whether this was a Dutch word or not by pressing one of two buttons on the button box in front of them. The participants were told to react as quickly as possible without making too many errors. The session began with a short practice block consisting of 10 sentences to allow participants to familiarize themselves with the task. Each trial began with a fixation cross (+) that re- mained on the screen for a duration of 1000 msec. A sen- tence was then presented one word at a time in the center of the screen, in black letters of the font Tahoma, size 30, on a white background. Each word was pre- sented for 300 msec, with a 300-msec blank screen fol- lowing each word. The experiment was divided into 12 short blocks of 20 sentences each (each block lasting approximately 4 min). After each block, participants were allowed to take a break for as long as they wanted. In total, the session lasted nearly an hour. Results Incorrect responses and RTs shorter than 300 msec or longer than 1500 msec (3.6%) were removed from the ex- perimental trials. The resulting RTs in all word conditions are presented in Table 3. The nonword conditions resulted in a mean RT of 700 msec (SD = 187) and a mean accuracy rate of .95. To test for effects of Context and Condition, two-factor repeated-measures ANOVAs were performed on the mean RTs with participant as a random variable. No ANOVAs with items as a random variable were con- ducted in accordance with the EEG data and because the selected items were matched on word frequency (Raaijmakers, Schrijnemakers, & Gremmen, 1999). Idiomatic conditions were responded to faster than Literal conditions, resulting in a main effect Idiomaticity, F(1, 23) = 9.41, MSE = 1380.29, p < .01. Note that this converges with Swinney and Cutler (1979), who explained this effect in terms of quickly accessed unitary idiom rep- resentations. Correct conditions were responded to faster than incorrect conditions, resulting in a main effect of Condition, F(2, 22) = 41.28, MSE = 3003.35, p < .001. The interaction of Idiomaticity and Condition did not reach significance, F(2, 22) = 1.48, MSE = 1718.28, p = .24. Next, we considered the planned pairwise comparisons between the levels of each condition for Literal and Idio- matic contexts separately. For the Literal context, signifi- cant differences were found between all conditions: COR yielded faster RTs than REL, p < .001, than UNREL, p < .001, and responses in the REL condition were signifi- cantly faster than those in the UNREL condition, p < .034. For the Idiomatic context, participants responded faster in the COR than the REL and UNREL conditions, both ps < .001. However, the REL and UNREL conditions did not differ significantly, p = .243, suggesting that literal word meanings were not activated. An additional ANOVA on log-transformed RTs yielded the same pattern of re- sults. Given the very low error rates no error ANOVAs are reported. EXPERIMENT 2 Methods Participants Twenty-four student volunteers from Radboud University Nijmegen and the HAN University of Applied Sciences Table 3. Mean RTs (msec) in Experiment 1 Context Condition COR REL UNREL Literal 594 (98) 669 (108) 698 (93) Idiomatic 565 (80) 661 (105) 677 (96) Standard deviations are indicated between parentheses. Rommers, Dijkstra, and Bastiaansen 767 D o w n l o a d e d f r o m l l / / / / j f / t t i t . : / / h t t p : / D / o m w i n t o p a r d c e . d s f i r o l m v e h r c p h a d i i r r e . c c t . o m m / j e d o u c n o / c a n r a t r i t i c c l e e - p - d p d 2 f 5 / 5 2 5 7 / 6 5 2 / 1 7 9 6 4 2 5 / 6 1 1 7 4 7 o 8 c 9 n 9 _ 3 a / _ j 0 o 0 c 3 n 3 7 _ a p _ d 0 0 b 3 y 3 g 7 u . e p s t d o f n b 0 y 8 S M e I p T e m L i b b e r r a 2 r 0 i 2 3 e s / j . / f t u s e r o n 1 7 M a y 2 0 2 1 (mean age = 22 years, range = 18–30 years, 21 women and 3 men) gave informed consent and were paid for their participation in the EEG experiment. All were right-handed, native speakers of Dutch with normal or corrected-to- normal vision and no history of neurological disorders or language disorders. None of them took part in Experiment 1 or in any of the pretests. Data from two additional par- ticipants were discarded because of excessive blinking or high amplitude alpha activity and tiredness. an electrode on the infraorbital ridge below the left eye. Horizontal eye movements were monitored through two electrodes in the cap (LEOG and REOG), placed approxi- mately at each outer canthus. The ground electrode was placed on the forehead. Electrode impedance was kept below 10 kΩ. EEG and EOG recordings were amplified through BrainAmp DC amplifiers with a bandpass filter of 0.016–100 Hz, digitized on-line with a sampling frequency of 500 Hz, and stored for off-line analysis. Materials and Design ERP Analysis The same materials and design as in Experiment 1 were used, except that, as no lexical decisions were required, no pseudowords occurred in Experiment 2. The six lists from Experiment 1 were merged to three lists, removing all pseudowords, such that on every list each of the six con- ditions was represented by 30 items. Each sentence within a pair (e.g., the literal and the idiomatic “lamp” sentence) was used to represent a different condition within a list (e.g., if the idiomatic sentence contained “lamp,” the literal sentence would contain “fish” or “candle”), such that no sentence contexts or critical words were repeated. In every list 50% of the critical words was anomalous. Procedure Participants were tested individually in a single session in a soundproof, electrically shielded room. They were seated in a comfortable chair at a distance of approximately 60 cm from a computer screen and instructed to read the sen- tences for comprehension while avoiding blinks and move- ments. The instructions were given in written form and then repeated orally. The session began with a short prac- tice block consisting of 10 sentences. Each trial began with a fixation cross (+) that remained on the screen for a dura- tion of 1000 msec to orient the participant toward the cen- ter of the screen. A sentence was then presented one word at a time in the center of the screen, in black letters of the font Tahoma, size 30, on a white background. Each word was presented for 300 msec, with a 300-msec blank screen following each word. After every sentence, three asterisks (***) appeared for a duration of 3000 msec. During this period, participants were free to blink. The experiment was divided into 12 short blocks of 20 sentences each, each block lasting approximately 4 min. After each block, partic- ipants were allowed to take a break for as long as they wanted. The session included half an hour of electrode application and instruction and approximately 1 hr of reading sentences. EEG Recording EEG was recorded from 61 active Ag/AgCl electrodes, of which 59 were mounted in a cap (actiCap), referenced to the left mastoid. Two separate electrodes were placed at the left and right mastoids. Blinks were monitored through For the ERPs, the data were rereferenced off-line to the average of the left and right mastoids. Bipolar vertical EOG was computed as the difference between the elec- trode on the infraorbital ridge of the left eye and the elec- trode right above this eye in the cap. Bipolar horizontal EOG was computed as the difference between the LEOG and REOG electrodes. A bandpass filter of 0.1–30 Hz was applied. The continuous EEG was then segmented into epochs of 1350 msec, lasting from 150 msec before word onset until 1200 msec after word onset. An average base- line of 150 msec before stimulus onset was subtracted. Trials were screened for artifacts semiautomatically, and those contaminated by blinks, eye movements, muscle activity, and so forth, were removed. Approximately 6% of the trials was lost because of such artifacts, and the number of rejected trials was comparable across condi- tions, F < 1. Average ERPs were then computed across trials for each type of critical word (COR, REL, UNREL) in each type of context (Idiomatic, Literal). To assess the significance of observed N400 effects, mean voltage measures were taken. On the basis of pos- sible component overlap with a late positivity in our data (see Results) and following other work on nonliteral lan- guage indicating short-lived (300–400 msec) N400 effects (de Grauwe, Swain, Holcomb, Ditman, & Kuperberg, 2010), we used an Early N400 (300–400 msec) and a Late N400 (400–500 msec) time window. Late positivities (500–800 msec) were of interest as well. For each time window, mean voltage measures were averaged over quadrants of nine electrodes each, which divided the data into anterior, posterior, left, and right parts of the scalp (see Figure 1). The data were then subjected to 2 × 2 × 2 × 3 repeated-measures ANOVAs with the factors Hemisphere (Left, Right), Anteriority (Anterior, Posterior), Idiomaticity (Literal, Idiomatic), and Condition (COR, REL, UNREL). Time–Frequency Analysis of Power Time–frequency (TF) analysis was performed with the Fieldtrip software package, an open-source Matlab toolbox for neurophysiological data analysis (Oostenveld, Fries, Maris, & Schoffelen, 2011). We used a multitaper approach, as described by Mitra and Pesaran (1999) for computing TF representations, ranging from 20 to 100 Hz. The power 768 Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience Volume 25, Number 5 D o w n l o a d e d f r o m l l / / / / j t t f / i t . : / / h t t p : / D / o m w i n t o p a r d c e . d s f i r o l m v e h r c p h a d i i r r e . c c t . o m m / j e d o u c n o / c a n r a t r i t i c c l e e - p - d p d 2 f 5 / 5 2 5 7 / 6 5 2 / 1 7 9 6 4 2 5 / 6 1 1 7 4 7 o 8 c 9 n 9 _ 3 a / _ j 0 o 0 c 3 n 3 7 _ a p _ d 0 0 b 3 y 3 g 7 u . e p s t d o f n b 0 y 8 S M e I p T e m L i b b e r r a 2 r 0 i 2 3 e s / j . / f t u s e r o n 1 7 M a y 2 0 2 1 led to a late positivity. In the following, main effects and interactions are reported only when they involve the fac- tors Idiomaticity and/or Condition. Nonsignificant effects are reported only when the lack of significance is relevant for the interpretation. All p and MSE values are Greenhouse– Geisser corrected where necessary, but the original degrees of freedom are reported. In the early N400 time window (300–400 msec), as sup- ported by the statistics in Table 4, critical words in Idio- matic contexts had a more positive voltage (1.10 μV ) compared with critical words in Literal contexts (−0.57 μV). Although not the focus of this study, note that it is possible that this effect reflects a P300 for idioms rather than an N400 reduction, as discussed in Vespignani et al. (2010). The effect was larger over the right hemisphere (1.86 μV difference) compared with the left hemisphere (1.47 μV difference). There were differences between conditions (COR: 1.62 μV, REL: −0.06 μV, UNREL: −0.77 μV). To test Figure 1. Electrode layout. Thick lines indicate quadrants used for mean amplitude analyses on the ERPs. Left mastoid (LM) and right mastoid (RM) electrodes were placed outside the cap onto the mastoids. changes were computed with 400-msec time-smoothing and a 5-Hz frequency-smoothing window in 2.5-Hz fre- quency steps and 10-msec time steps. Power estimates thus obtained were then averaged across trials separately for each condition, for each subject. The resulting subject- averaged power changes in the poststimulus interval were expressed as a relative change from the baseline interval (from −0.5 to −0.15 sec). The significance of the difference between conditions was evaluated by means of a cluster-based random permu- tation test (Maris & Oostenveld, 2007) that naturally takes care of the multiple comparisons problem by identifying clusters of significant differences between conditions in the time, space, and frequency dimensions. Note that this procedure only allows for pairwise comparisons. We there- fore computed separate contrasts between COR and UNREL, COR and REL, and REL and UNREL, for each con- text separately. In addition, we computed the contrast be- tween COR in the literal context and COR in the idiomatic context. Results ERPs As can be seen from Figure 2, in Literal contexts critical words from the REL and the UNREL condition elicited neg- ativities relative to words in the COR condition, lasting from approximately 300 to 500 msec and exhibiting a centroparietal maximum (N400s). N400s were short-lived in the Idiomatic contexts (Figure 3), where violations also Figure 2. Grand-averaged (n = 24) ERPs in Literal contexts. (A) Waveforms (negative plotted up, critical word [e.g., “lamp”] presented at 0 msec, next word [e.g., “gisteren”] at 600 msec) for five representative electrodes, of which the locations are indicated on a head map (left). The four corner electrodes are taken from each of the quadrants used in the statistical analyses. (B) Scalp topographies of the difference between each of the conditions. Rommers, Dijkstra, and Bastiaansen 769 D o w n l o a d e d f r o m l l / / / / j t t f / i t . : / / h t t p : / D / o m w i n t o p a r d c e . d s f i r o l m v e h r c p h a d i i r r e . c c t . o m m / j e d o u c n o / c a n r a t r i t i c c l e e - p - d p d 2 f 5 / 5 2 5 7 / 6 5 2 / 1 7 9 6 4 2 5 / 6 1 1 7 4 7 o 8 c 9 n 9 _ 3 a / _ j 0 o 0 c 3 n 3 7 _ a p _ d 0 0 b 3 y 3 g 7 u . e p s t d o f n b 0 y 8 S M e I p T e m L i b b e r r a 2 r 0 i 2 3 e s / j . t f / u s e r o n 1 7 M a y 2 0 2 1 for semantic effects in Literal and Idiomatic contexts, planned comparisons between the conditions in the two posterior quadrants were carried out for each context, based on the known N400 scalp distribution (e.g., Kutas & Hillyard, 1980). In Literal contexts, all conditions differed significantly from one another: UNREL (−1.02 μV) was more negative than COR (2.46 μV), F(1, 23) = 56.24, MSE = 5.14, p < .001, REL (0.21 μV) was more negative than COR, F(1, 23) = 31.97, MSE = 3.78, p < .001, and im- portantly, UNREL was more negative than REL, F(1, 23) = 9.64, MSE = 3.76, p < .01. In Idiomatic contexts, not all conditions differed significantly from one another: Both UNREL (1.40 μV) and REL (1.78 μV) were more negative than COR (3.50 μV), F(1, 23) = 14.54, MSE = 7.26, p < .01 and F(1, 23) = 17.20, MSE = 4.15, p < .001, respec- tively, but REL and UNREL did not differ significantly, F(1, 23) = .78, MSE = 4.28, p = .387. Even when a more liberal analysis was performed, using only the data from the cen- tral electrode with the maximum raw effect (electrode 30; 1.01 μV difference), a planned comparison again did not indicate a significant difference between the REL and the UNREL conditions in Idiomatic contexts, F(1, 23) = 2.04, MSE = 12.15, p = .167, thus confirming the quadrant analysis. In the late N400 time window (400–500 msec), as sup- ported by the statistics in Table 5, the mean voltage to critical words was more positive in idioms (1.49 μV) than in literal contexts (−1.13 μV). This effect was larger over the right hemisphere (2.91 μV difference) than the left hemisphere (2.34 μV difference). There were differences between the three conditions (COR: .96 μV, REL: .27 μV, UNREL: −.69 μV ). The Anteriority × Idiomaticity × Condition interaction (Table 5) was because of an Idiomaticity × Condition interaction being not significant at Anterior sites, F(2, 46) = 1.10, MSE = 3.37, p = .342, Figure 3. Grand-averaged ERPs in Idiomatic contexts. (A) Waveforms (negative plotted up, critical word presented at 0 msec) for the same electrodes as in Figure 2. (B) Scalp topographies of the difference between each of the conditions. Table 4. Omnibus ANOVA on ERPs in the Early N400 Time Window (300–400 msec) Effect Idiomaticity Condition Hemisphere × Idiomaticity Anteriority × Idiomaticity Hemisphere × Anteriority × Idiomaticity Hemisphere × Condition Anteriority × Condition Hemisphere × Anteriority × Condition Idiomaticity × Condition Hemisphere × Idiomaticity × Condition Anteriority × Idiomaticity × Condition Hemisphere × Anteriority × Idiomaticity × Condition df (1,23) (2,46) (1,23) (1,23) (1,23) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) F 19.94 36.73 4.88 .01 .12 .38 2.24 1.13 1.35 .77 1.60 .04 MSE 19.96 9.47 1.11 2.34 .26 1.91 4.23 .23 10.25 .72 1.68 .16 p <.001 <.001 .037 .926 .734 .636 .128 .324 .268 .465 .216 .954 770 Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience Volume 25, Number 5 D o w n l o a d e d f r o m l l / / / / j f / t t i t . : / / h t t p : / D / o m w i n t o p a r d c e . d s f i r o l m v e h r c p h a d i i r r e . c c t . o m m / j e d o u c n o / c a n r a t r i t i c c l e e - p - d p d 2 f 5 / 5 2 5 7 / 6 5 2 / 1 7 9 6 4 2 5 / 6 1 1 7 4 7 o 8 c 9 n 9 _ 3 a / _ j 0 o 0 c 3 n 3 7 _ a p _ d 0 0 b 3 y 3 g 7 u . e p s t d o f n b 0 y 8 S M e I p T e m L i b b e r r a 2 r 0 i 2 3 e s / j t f / . u s e r o n 1 7 M a y 2 0 2 1 Table 5. Omnibus ANOVA on ERPs in the Late N400 Time Window (400–500 msec) Effect Idiomaticity Condition Hemisphere × Idiomaticity Anteriority × Idiomaticity Hemisphere × Anteriority × Idiomaticity Hemisphere × Condition Anteriority × Condition Hemisphere × Anteriority × Condition Idiomaticity × Condition Hemisphere × Idiomaticity × Condition Anteriority × Idiomaticity × Condition Hemisphere × Anteriority × Idiomaticity × Condition df (1,23) (2,46) (1,23) (1,23) (1,23) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) F 69.10 9.50 10.07 3.66 .58 .06 .23 1.02 4.06 .14 7.20 2.26 MSE 14.35 14.71 1.20 3.81 .15 1.15 3.33 .22 10.73 1.13 1.62 .20 p <.001 <.001 .004 .069 .453 .928 .784 .358 .024 .868 .002 .121 but significant at Posterior sites, F(2, 46) = 8.39, MSE = 2.82, p < .01. Here, simple effects tests indicated an ef- fect of Condition in Literal contexts, F(2, 46) = 17.58, MSE = 3.37, p < .001, but not in Idiomatic contexts, F(2, 46) = .89, MSE = 3.60, p = .414. Planned compari- sons within Literal contexts revealed a graded N400 effect with UNREL (−1.42 μV) more negative than COR (1.70 μV), F(1, 23) = 32.02, MSE = 7.27, p < .001, REL (−.08 μV) more negative than COR, F(1, 23) = 12.56, MSE = 6.07, p < .01, and importantly UNREL more negative than REL, F(1, 23) = 6.39, MSE = 6.67, p < .05. In idioms, there were no differences between the conditions (all ps > .20). In
summary, in Literal contexts the graded N400 effect from

the Early N400 time window continued into the Late
N400 time window, whereas in idioms there was no
graded effect.

In the 500–800 msec time window (Tisch 6), critical
words had a more positive voltage in idioms (2.14 μV) als
in Literal contexts (.56 μV). The difference was larger at
Posterior sites (2.18 μV difference) than Anterior sites
(.98 μV difference). The four-way interaction (Tisch 6)
was further clarified by testing for the effects of Hemi-
Kugel, Idiomaticity and Condition at the two levels of
Anteriority. At Anterior sites, ERPs to critical words were
more positive in idioms (.61 μV) than literal sentences
(−.37 μV), F(1, 23) = 7.495, MSE = 9.168, P < .05. This Table 6. Omnibus ANOVA on ERPs in the P600 Time Window (500–800 msec) Effect Idiomaticity Condition Hemisphere × Idiomaticity Anteriority × Idiomaticity Hemisphere × Anteriority × Idiomaticity Hemisphere × Condition Anteriority × Condition Hemisphere × Anteriority × Condition Idiomaticity × Condition Hemisphere × Idiomaticity × Condition Anteriority × Idiomaticity × Condition Hemisphere × Anteriority × Idiomaticity × Condition df (1,23) (2,46) (1,23) (1,23) (1,23) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) (2,46) F 20.67 1.15 3.50 23.85 .14 .56 12.49 3.15 .70 .55 9.22 3.54 MSE 17.37 12.02 1.13 2.19 .12 1.11 2.80 .29 8.78 .78 1.69 .19 p <.001 .326 .074 <.001 .715 .552 <.001 .069 .499 .572 .001 .042 Rommers, Dijkstra, and Bastiaansen 771 D o w n l o a d e d f r o m l l / / / / j f / t t i t . : / / h t t p : / D / o m w i n t o p a r d c e . d s f i r o l m v e h r c p h a d i i r r e . c c t . o m m / j e d o u c n o / c a n r a t r i t i c c l e e - p - d p d 2 f 5 / 5 2 5 7 / 6 5 2 / 1 7 9 6 4 2 5 / 6 1 1 7 4 7 o 8 c 9 n 9 _ 3 a / _ j 0 o 0 c 3 n 3 7 _ a p _ d 0 0 b 3 y 3 g 7 u . e p s t d o f n b 0 y 8 S M e I p T e m L i b b e r r a 2 r 0 i 2 3 e s / j f . t / u s e r o n 1 7 M a y 2 0 2 1 Figure 4. Comparison between the TF representations of the power changes in the COR and REL conditions in Literal (lit) and Idiomatic (idiom) contexts. A representative channel (4, see Figure 1) is shown, with blue representing power decreases and red representing power increases. The “masked” panels show the TF points with significant differences between the conditions. The scalp map shows the distribution of the significant differences across the scalp in a time range from 0.2 to 1 sec after CW onset and a frequency range of 55–70 Hz. Black dots indicate the electrodes that participate in the significant cluster. was also the case at Posterior sites (Idiomatic: 3.67 μV, Literal: 1.49 μV), F(1, 23) = 32.969, MSE = 10.389, p < .001. There were differences between conditions at Posterior sites (COR: 1.85 μV, REL: 2.88 μV, UNREL: 3.02 μV), F(2, 46) = 6.391, MSE = 6.468, p < .01. An Idiomaticity × Condition interaction, F(2, 46) = 3.900, MSE = 5.234, p < .05, indicated an effect of Condition for idioms, F(2, 46) = 8.320, MSE = 3.608, p < .01, but not literal sentences, F(2, 46) = .559, MSE = 2.235, p = .575. Posterior contrasts in idioms indicated positivities for both the REL (4.30 μV ) and the UNREL condition (4.30 μV) relative to the COR condition (2.42 μV), F(1, 23) = 12.649, MSE = 6.691, p < .01 and F(1, 23) = 6.54, MSE = 8.63, p < .05, respectively, and no differ- ence between UNREL and REL, F(1, 23) < .001, MSE = 6.691, p = .996. In summary, there was a significant poste- rior positivity for violations in idioms, regardless of se- mantic relatedness. TF Analysis Power in the gamma frequency band was sensitive to the manipulations. In the COR–REL contrast, significantly larger gamma power was observed for COR than for REL in literal contexts ( p < .005), but not in idiomatic contexts (see Figure 4). This gamma power increase was most prominent between 60 and 70 Hz and was sustained throughout the entire time interval that entered the analysis. Similarly, in the COR–UNREL contrast, larger gamma power was ob- served for COR than for UNREL in the literal context only ( p = .032), in a roughly similar time and frequency range and with similar scalp topography as in the COR–REL contrast (see Figure 5). In the REL–UNREL contrast, more gamma power was observed for REL than for UNREL, again only in literal contexts, although this effect was only mar- ginally significant ( p = .052), and was observed in a higher frequency band (around 80 Hz) than in the other two D o w n l o a d e d f r o m l l / / / / j f / t t i t . : / / h t t p : / D / o m w i n t o p a r d c e . d s f i r o l m v e h r c p h a d i i r r e . c c t . o m m / j e d o u c n o / c a n r a t r i t i c c l e e - p - d p d 2 f 5 / 5 2 5 7 / 6 5 2 / 1 7 9 6 4 2 5 / 6 1 1 7 4 7 o 8 c 9 n 9 _ 3 a / _ j 0 o 0 c 3 n 3 7 _ a p _ d 0 0 b 3 y 3 g 7 u . e p s t d o f n b 0 y 8 S M e I p T e m L i b b e r r a 2 r 0 i 2 3 e s / j t . / f u s e r o n 1 7 M a y 2 0 2 1 Figure 5. Comparison between the TF representations of the power changes in the COR and UNREL conditions in Literal (lit) and Idiomatic (idiom) contexts. See legend of Figure 4 for details. 772 Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience Volume 25, Number 5 D o w n l o a d e d f r o m l l / / / / j t t f / i t . : / / h t t p : / D / o m w i n t o p a r d c e . d s f i r o l m v e h r c p h a d i i r r e . c c t . o m m / j e d o u c n o / c a n r a t r i t i c c l e e - p - d p d 2 f 5 / 5 2 5 7 / 6 5 2 / 1 7 9 6 4 2 5 / 6 1 1 7 4 7 o 8 c 9 n 9 _ 3 a / _ j 0 o 0 c 3 n 3 7 _ a p _ d 0 0 b 3 y 3 g 7 u . e p s t d o f n b 0 y 8 S M e I p T e m L i b b e r r a 2 r 0 i 2 3 e s / j t . / f u s e r o n 1 7 M a y 2 0 2 1 Figure 6. Comparison between the TF representations of the power changes in the REL and UNREL conditions in Literal (lit) and Idiomatic (idiom) contexts. The scalp map shows the distribution of the significant differences across the scalp in a time range from 0.4 to 1.5 sec after CW onset and a frequency range of 80–90 Hz. See Figure 4 for details. decision in literal sentence contexts, but not in idioms, suggests that idiomatic contexts did not lead to activation of literal word meanings. Similarly, a significant reduction in N400 amplitude for the REL condition relative to the UNREL condition was observed in literal sentence contexts (replicating Federmeier & Kutas, 1999), but not in idioms. In idioms, both types of violation (REL and UNREL) elicited a short-lived N400 of which the amplitudes were statisti- cally indistinguishable. Assuming that the N400 reflects both word retrieval and integration (Baggio & Hagoort, 2011; Kutas & Federmeier, 2011), the results indicate that either literal word meaning activation or semantic unifica- tion or both are less engaged during idiom comprehension than in literal sentences. The N400 findings cannot be ex- plained by integration alone, because our plausibility rat- ings do not match with the ERPs: Violations were more implausible in idioms than in literal sentences but led to smaller N400 amplitudes, and the REL and UNREL con- ditions in idioms differed in plausibility but not in N400 amplitude. Therefore, we interpret this result as a lack of semantic expectancy in idiom comprehension. contrasts (see Figure 6). Because the random permutation approach does not in itself provide measures of variability, participantsʼ invidual power changes are shown in Figure 7. Finally, in the direct contrast between the two COR condi- tions in the different contexts, larger gamma power was ob- served for the COR condition in the literal context relative to the COR condition in the idiomatic context ( p = .045; see Figure 8). An additional analysis was performed on a lower frequency range (2–30 Hz), but this yielded no sig- nificant differences between any of the conditions. DISCUSSION This study investigated whether the basic sentence pro- cessing operations of word meaning retrieval and semantic integration are routinely carried out, even when they are unnecessary. This was done by examining whether behav- ioral and electrophysiological manifestations of semantic processing typically observed for the comprehension of compositional literal sentences extend to the case of opaque idioms where the individual word meanings are unrelated to the figurative and ultimately relevant meaning. Semantic manipulations in predictable literal sentences yielded previously established behavioral and electro- physiological signatures of semantic processing: semantic facilitation in lexical decision and semantic effects on N400 amplitude and on power in the gamma frequency band. However, the same manipulations in idioms yielded none of these effects. Instead, semantic violations elicited a late positivity in idioms. Moreover, gamma band power was lower in idioms than in literal sentences. The results are relevant for idiom comprehension as well as for neuro- cognitive accounts of semantic processing in general. Context-dependent Semantic Processing The finding of significant semantic facilitation (faster re- sponses in the REL than in the UNREL condition) in lexical Figure 7. Individual gamma band power changes in Literal contexts. Colored squares indicate individual participantʼs average relative power change in the relevant TF windows described in Figures 4–6. The dashed horizontal line indicates a relative change of 1 (no change). The solid horizontal lines indicate the condition means. Rommers, Dijkstra, and Bastiaansen 773 Figure 8. Comparison between the TF representations of the power changes in the COR conditions in Literal (lit) and Idiomatic (idiom) contexts. The scalp map shows the distribution of the significant differences across the scalp in a time range from 0.3 to 0.7 sec after CW onset and a frequency range of 60–80 Hz. For other details, see Figure 4. To provide further supporting evidence, TF analyses were carried out. Literal contexts revealed a gamma in- crease in the COR condition relative to the REL and UNREL conditions, roughly between 50 and 70 Hz. This is consistent with previous studies suggesting that the process of semantic unification reflected by the gamma band increase is disrupted upon encountering semantic anomalies (Hald et al., 2006; Hagoort et al., 2004). A marginally significant semantic effect (REL vs. UNREL) on gamma power in literal contexts, though somewhat higher in frequency (between 70 and 80 Hz), further sug- gests that relationships between expected and presented words may increase the engagement of unification opera- tions. Unlike previous studies (e.g., Hald et al., 2006), we did not observe a theta band power increase following semantic violations. Crucially, none of the gamma band effects were observed in idiomatic contexts, again sug- gesting that unification operations were less engaged in idiom comprehension than in the comprehension of lit- eral sentences. A comparison between the correct words (COR condition) across contexts also revealed larger gamma power in literal contexts than in idiomatic con- texts. This particular result shows the difference in gamma band activity without using semantic violations and further explains the absence of other gamma effects in idioms: Semantic integration operations reflected in gamma band synchronization were less engaged during idiom comprehension in the first place, even when the sentence continued normally (the COR condition), and therefore, this process could also not be disrupted by the semantic violations. In summary, the behavioral data, ERP data, and TF data all converge onto the same view on semantic processing in literal language and idioms. The (pre)activation and integration of word meanings are dependent on sentence context. When reading idioms, these operations are clearly less engaged. The results have implications for neurocognitive ac- counts of language processing such as the memory, unifi- cation, and control model (Hagoort, 2005). At present, this model seems to need further specification to deal with idiom comprehension. We suggest two possible exten- sions. One possibility is that the memory, unification, and control model implements context-dependent seman- tic processing, allowing for semantic unification to be “switched off” when it is not helpful. A second possibility is to describe the units that enter into the unification pro- cess differently. At present, these building blocks are almost always called words. It would be better to speak of lexical items instead and specify that these lexical items can be idioms too. Literal Word Meaning Activation in Idioms as a Bottom–up Process The lack of evidence for semantic expectancy of literal word meanings in idioms may appear inconsistent with previous results showing that words in idioms can prime semantically related words (Sprenger et al., 2006; Hillert & Swinney, 2001; Colombo, 1993; Cacciari & Tabossi, 1988; Swinney, 1981). This discrepancy is probably because of the fact that these studies usually presented participants with the word in question (e.g., beans in spill the beans), such that the word could not only be (pre)activated by the idiomatic context but was also processed from the input in a bottom–up fashion. In contrast, we substituted words with semantically related or unrelated words, such that in the anomalous conditions the word in question was never actually presented, which likely emphasizes top–down ef- fects such as anticipation. This explanation is supported by the observation that, in the previously discussed study by Peterson et al. (2001), the final words of the idioms were also not presented but had to be produced by the participants themselves. In line with our results, this study did not report evidence for literal word meaning activa- tion. This suggests that literal word meaning activation in idioms stems mainly from the bottom–up processing of words, that is, from the words actually present in the text or speech stream. Top–down contextual expectations are not enough to yield measureable literal word meaning activation during idiom comprehension. The results also differ from Liu et al. (2010), who re- placed characters in Chinese idioms with, among others, synonyms and unrelated words. They observed a smaller N400 for synonyms than unrelated words, consistent with semantic expectancy even in idioms. However, Liu et al. 774 Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience Volume 25, Number 5 D o w n l o a d e d f r o m l l / / / / j f / t t i t . : / / h t t p : / D / o m w i n t o p a r d c e . d s f i r o l m v e h r c p h a d i i r r e . c c t . o m m / j e d o u c n o / c a n r a t r i t i c c l e e - p - d p d 2 f 5 / 5 2 5 7 / 6 5 2 / 1 7 9 6 4 2 5 / 6 1 1 7 4 7 o 8 c 9 n 9 _ 3 a / _ j 0 o 0 c 3 n 3 7 _ a p _ d 0 0 b 3 y 3 g 7 u . e p s t d o f n b 0 y 8 S M e I p T e m L i b b e r r a 2 r 0 i 2 3 e s / j / . t f u s e r o n 1 7 M a y 2 0 2 1 (2010) were investigating different issues and chose idioms that come across as more transparent than ours (“hiding a dagger behind oneʼs smiles”), such that pro- cessing literal word meanings could have been helpful. Our study used highly opaque idioms as a strict test of whether literal word meanings are always processed. The Representation of Idioms in the Brain Similar to Liu et al. (2010) and Moreno et al. (2002), the N400 to semantic violations was followed by a late positivity (P600) in idioms but not in literal contexts. The P600 has previously been reported as a response to violations of agreement (Hagoort, Brown, & Groothusen, 1993) and of orthography (Münte, Heinze, Matzke, Wieringa, & Johannes, 1998) and different interpretations of the com- ponent exist in the literature (Kos, Vosse, van den Brink, & Hagoort, 2010; Bornkessel-Schlesewsky & Schlesewsky, 2008; Kuperberg, 2007; Kim & Osterhout, 2005; Hoeks, Stowe, & Doedens, 2004; Kolk, Chwilla, van Herten, & Oor, 2003). We explain this finding by assuming similar rep- resentations for words and idioms, consistent with config- urations, lexical concept nodes, or superlemmas (Sprenger et al., 2006; Cutting & Bock, 1997; Cacciari & Tabossi, 1988). Because at some level of representation, both words and idioms are lexical items, both violations of agreement/ orthography and word substitutions in idioms can be con- sidered form violations within lexical items, thus eliciting the same ERP response. Unitary representations of idioms are further supported by the TF results, which suggested a lack of semantic unification in idioms, because if idioms are stored as a whole and retrieved as such from long-term memory, the individual word meanings need not be unified. Note that a lack of semantic unification does not pre- clude that unification continues at other levels: The words within an idiom must be combined syntactically to recog- nize the idiom, and the recognized idiom as a whole must be integrated with its context semantically and syntactically. 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Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. 776 Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience Volume 25, Number 5 D o w n l o a d e d f r o m l l / / / / j f / t t i t . : / / h t t p : / D / o m w i n t o p a r d c e . d s f i r o l m v e h r c p h a d i i r r e . c c t . o m m / j e d o u c n o / c a n r a t r i t i c c l e e - p - d p d 2 f 5 / 5 2 5 7 / 6 5 2 / 1 7 9 6 4 2 5 / 6 1 1 7 4 7 o 8 c 9 n 9 _ 3 a / _ j 0 o 0 c 3 n 3 7 _ a p _ d 0 0 b 3 y 3 g 7 u . e p s t d o f n b 0 y 8 S M e I p T e m L i b b e r r a 2 r 0 i 2 3 e s / j f . t / u s e r o n 1 7 M a y 2 0 2 1 Context-dependent Semantic Processing in the Human image

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