“Come and Try”
Towards a History of Fante Military Shrines

Doran H. ross

“Come and Try” is a familiar and

ConfidanT Challenge among The

fanTe asafo To TesT The prowess of

Their rivals. “Towards a hisTory”

is perhaps an equally familiar, buT

CerTainly less ConfidenT form of

engagemenT among aCademiCs. uno

is bravado, The oTher is prevariCa-
Tion.1

The photo montage that concludes this article (Figs.
34a–nn, páginas. 32–5) provides a visual chronology of
posuban design. For greater detail, the images can be
viewed at www.mitpressjournals.org/loi/afar; this par-
ticular article is viewable by all readers, even those who
do not receive the electronic edition of African Arts.

The images in this article constitute, as far as I am
aware, a complete corpus of posuban. The editors of
African Arts encourage scholars who have similarly
extensive documentation of African art forms to con-
sider publishing them in the expanded montage format
that is now possible in African Arts’ electronic edition.

All photogrAphs by the Author unless otherwise

noted

12 | african arts autumn 2007

The arts of the traditional military companies of

the Fante, called asafo, are best known through
the profusion of appliqué flags (frankaa) cual
were discussed most recently on these pages by
Kwame Labi (2002), and considered elsewhere
through the enormously popular traveling exhi-
bition/publication Asafo!: African Flags of the Fante (Adler and
Barnard 1992).2 The latter project was so popular, En realidad, eso
it has led to asafo flags becoming one of the most frequently
faked of all Ghanaian art forms, right up there in the pantheon
of duplicity with Akua’ba.

As has been detailed in multiple anthropological and histori-
cal studies, the asafo (sa, guerra, and fo, gente) were the warrior
groups or armies of the traditional Akan states.3 With their mili-
tary roles almost fully usurped by the administration of the Brit-
ish Gold Coast Colony beginning in 1872, the asafo were forced
to redirect their energies. This they did with considerable suc-
impuesto, and they thrive today as potent social and civic organiza-
tions with significant political, ritual, and performance roles in
most Fante states. Depending on whom you read, there are from
seventeen to twenty-four traditional Fante states (Christensen
1954:14 lists nineteen) with up to fourteen asafo companies per
estado. Within a state, each company is identified by a name and
number, usually followed by the town or village in which it is
located: p.ej. Asafo Kyirem No. 2 Compañía, Mankesim, a group
that we will return to a number of times below.4

Considerably less kinetic and much less collectible than flags are
the often spectacular cement shrines of the asafo called posuban,
but more commonly referred to by the Fante themselves with the
English words “post,” “fort,” or “castle” (Cover, Figs. 1–2). Estos
have frequently caught the attention of visitors to Ghana largely
due to their perceived playfulness and to what is assumed to be

CMYK Page 12 09652_20705064

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1 nkum, No. 1 Asafo Company posuban,
Abura dunkwa, outdoored 9 Abril 1971.
photographed 1974. designed by Kobina
Ampiah, sculpture by A.K.e. sam. el
retired drums of this company, cuales son
considered sacred, are housed on the
bottom level, while the active drums and
gongs are stored on the second level. el
hand holding a sword at the top of the
shrine represents a common Akan proverb,
“without the thumb, the hand is nothing,"
which in this instance acknowledges the
chief of the state.

During the course of research from 1974
a 2006 I have documented with varying
degrees of thoroughness more than sev-
enty monumental posuban in the Central
Region of Ghana.6 Many of these shrines
are in fact somewhat self-documenting,
with their identity proclaimed in inscrip-
tions on their facades. At the bare mini-
mum the writing contains the name and
number of the company and the town
in which it is located. Además, it fre-
quently includes the date it was originally
“outdoored” (ceremonially revealed to the
public for the first time), often a date of
renovation and, on many shrines, a dec-
laration of the cost of construction. Com-
pany mottoes and the names of important
asafo leaders past and present may also
be inscribed. Por ejemplo, on the shrine
of Kyirem No. 2 Compañía, Mankesim
(Higo. 24), the following inscriptions were
recorded in September 2006:

WANA BABA
COME AND TRY WHO EVER WILL
NO. 2 ASAFO COY. ROYAL STREET
MANKESSIM
KYIREM ASAFO
ERECTED 3rd NOV. 1891
RENOVATED 8th SEPT. 1979

Despite the information provided, these inscriptions cannot be
taken at face value, since in this case the renovation was, En realidad,
virtually a total reconstruction.

Regardless of scale and configuration, each posuban is multi-
functional and serves as a locale for at least one of its respective
company’s gods and as a site for ritual sacrifices and offer-
ings. It is also embraced as a locus of company activities and
comes into play during installations of company officers, dur-
ing funerals of its members, and in the observation of a variety
of festivals. Larger shrines might also serve as storage areas for
sacred drums, gongs, flags, and other asafo regalia, mientras que la

autumn 2007 african arts | 13

CMYK Page 13 09652_20705064

their totally incongruous presence in the Ghanaian architectural
milieu.5 A posuban may be materially defined by something as
simple as a cane-fenced tree (Higo. 3) and/or a sacred mound or
rock designating a god, typically covered with the shell of a giant
marine turtle (Higo. 4). It is generally assumed that both the cane
fence and the turtle shell provide protection for the gods, but one
elder said the presence of the shell indicated “there was big meat
inside,” i.e., the god was powerful and sustaining. Still, the shrines
that attract the most attention are those that are artistically embel-
lished and range from a painted cement-block fence around a tree
(Higo. 5) to a freestanding sculpture-laden, multi-storied extrava-
ganza (Higo. 6). For the sake of distinction, I refer to these more
elaborate structures as monumental posuban.

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(this page)
2 wombir, No. 4 Asafo Company posuban, elmina, outdoored 31
december 1966. photographed 1974. sculpture by Kwamina Amoaku.
the sculptures of Adam and eve, centered ground level, assert that no.
4 Company was the original asafo of elmina. these sculptures were badly
vandalized c. 2000 in the middle of the night by a rival company.

(opposite, l–r)
3 Akomfu seykyi, No. 7 Asafo Company posuban, Anomabu. n.d. pho-
tographed 1974. A cane fence around one of an asafo company’s sacred
árboles (dua ase) undoubtedly served as the first posuban, junto con
sacred mounds or rocks (ver figura. 4). this structure was supplemented by
a monumental posuban outdoored in 1977 (ver figura. 34nn).

4
intin, No. 3 Asafo Company posuban, Cape Coast. n.d. photo-
graphed 1974. Called both “esiw” and “posuban,” the sacred mound
or rock was covered with a marine turtle shell and was usually located in
proximity to the dua ase. the turtle shell is assumed to serve primarily a
protective function, but one elder at this shrine explained, “sea turtle is
god’s cover because you have big meat inside a sea turtle.”

5 edumadze, No. 1 Asafo Company posuban, enyan Maim, outdoored 7
november 1971. photographed 1974. A cement-block fence has replaced
the cane versions in many areas and may represent the beginnings of more
monumental efforts. the lion and leopard painted on the front of this
shrine asserts, “A dead lion is greater than a living leopard.” this company,
represented by the lion, is saying that even during its weakest moments,
it can overpower its rivals, even when they are at their best. the red, oro,
and green color scheme replicates the national flag of ghana.

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very largest have sufficient interior space to hold meetings and
other gatherings.

There have been at least three proposed etymologies for the
word “posuban.” Referring to the cane-fenced tree also called
“posuban,” E.J.P. Brown writes:

The pesu-ban was originally a hencoop or pen made of bamboo or the
petiole of the palm, the top of which was covered with the same mate-
rial. The name was given to the Asafu fence owing to its construction
being somewhat similar to the hencoop. Pesu is derived from pie, a
habitación, and su, forma; eso es, in the form of a room (1929 I:206).

Brigid Sackey maintains, “The word came from the verb si
posu, to meet or assemble, while iban means protective struc-
ture” (1998:75, n.18). There is general agreement that iban or
aban is used to identify a substantial (sometimes fortified) build-
En g, generally made of stone or brick (see Christaller 1933:6). En
popular use it may refer to both the palaces of chiefs and to the
forts and castles built by Europeans along the coast. With this in
mente, Christensen considers posuban to be “a combination of
the English ‘post’ and Fanti ‘iban,’ or fortification” (1954:112), un
interpretation that has been generally accepted.

ConCepTual models
The early development of asafo posuban is unclear, but there
are several potential conceptual and structural prototypes. El
most readily apparent of these views the shrines as Fante repli-
cations of the European forts that line the coast of the Central
Region of Ghana. Christensen takes this for granted: “[t]hey are
obviously stylized copies of the European castles and forts that
appeared on the coast. The opinion may be hazarded that the
African, noting the impregnable structures of the white man,
adopted this as a symbol of military strength” (1954:112). Early
records, sin embargo, suggest that these “copies” may be more than
symbolic. William Bosman was on the coast for fourteen years
ending in 1702 y, referencing a drawing of Cape Coast town,
he writes:

Under the English Fort you may observe a House, not unlike a small
Fort, with a Flag on it and some Cannon; this is inhabited by an Eng-
lish Mulatto, by Name Edward Barter, who hath a greater Power on
the Coast, than all the three English Agents together …. He is become
so considerable that he can raise a large number of Armed Men; alguno
whereof are his own Slaves, and the rest of Free-Men, that adhere to
him (1705/1967:51).

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DeGraft Johnson states that Edward Barter was the organizer of
Akrampa No. 6 Compañía, Cape Coast (1932:309-310). Many oral
traditions state that the first asafo companies were of “mulatto”
composition and Bosman may have been describing one such
company. His reference to private or African-owned forts is not
unique. En 1798, John Kabe, a local Fante leader, constructed a
fortified house in Kommenda and armed it with guns acquired
from the British forts at that location (see Henige 1977). There is
no question that the monumental posuban are readily identified
with the European forts and indeed at least two shrines include
“castle” as part of the inscriptions on their façades (Figs. 7–8) y
three others “post” (see Cover). En efecto, the single most common
sculptural motif of the shrines is cement cannons (often along
with sculpted cannon balls and kegs of gunpowder) and in half
a dozen examples actual European ordnance. And at least three
posuban resemble the polygonal bastions of forts, complete with
crenellation (Higo. 9). Sin embargo, in terms of the architectural
details of most posuban, the European forts seem to offer only a
small part of the story.

Another potential influence is rooted in Fante burial customs
and the choice of location for a posuban. Arthur ffoulkes empha-
sizes that the shrines are typically constructed on the burial sites
of important company members:

Under this tower is very often a vault, in which the principal men of
the Company have been interred since the origin of the “post”; alguno-
times it is a spot where some former hero of the Company has died
and been buried; o, de nuevo, it may have been the ancestral tomb of the
Company’s principal men before the post was erected to mark the
spot (1907/08:271, see also Christensen 1954:113).

Given the preceding, it is tempting to speculate that monu-
mental posuban ultimately evolved from the elaborate grave
sculpture of the Fante. En 1602 de Marees, referring to coastal
funerals, wrote:

All his possessions, such as his Weapons and clothes, are buried with
him, and all his Nobles who used to serve him are modeled from life
in earth, painted and put in a row all around the Grave, side by side.
Thus their Sepulchres are like a House and furnished as if they were
still alive; and this Sepulchre of the King is kept in high esteem and
carefully guarded: day and night guards must continuously stand by
it with their Weapons and keep watch … (1602/1987:184–5).

In the same vein Barbot, on the Gold Coast in 1678–9 and
1681–2, described mausoleums for important individuals in the
Elmina area:

[t]hey are accustomed to decorate these with a large number of clay
busts representing men and women, designed in a fairly jolly man-
ner. These busts are painted in various colours and garnished all over
with coral and fetishes. At Mina, on the road leading from the castle
to the garden, I saw several such mausoleums, for brafo and officers,
including one for a relative of the king of Fetu, which had between 35
y 40 of these busts, displayed on the posts and in a semi-circle in
the midst of the fetishes. All around them were several pots of palm
wine and meat, together with leaves and branches from fetish trees
(Hair et al. 1992:595–6).

De Marees’ use of “sepulcher” and Barbot’s of “mausoleum”
suggest a structural elaboration of the grave site with accommo-
dations for funerary sculpture and offer a possible prototype for
the monumental posuban. As it is we have definite precedents for
substantial, even life-sized, sculpture commemorating great men
and women, a very common practice on military shrines. El
tradition of Fante terracotta grave art dates to before 1602, as de
Marees documents, and continues today in the form of cement
sculpture made by the same artists who build posuban.7

George Preston finds another possible inspiration for asafo shrines
in ship’s “fo’c’s’les,” although he does not elaborate on what details of
naval architecture and what type and period of ships are influential
(1975:36). Preston’s suggestion is enhanced by the five shrines actu-
ally built in the shape of ships (Figs. 10–13, 34ii) and by images of

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6 tuafo, No. 1 Asafo Company posuban, gomoa legu, outdoored 24 Puede
1955, but no longer extent. photographed 1974. design by A.A. Mills with sculp-
ture by Mills, Kwame Munko, and Kwamina Amoaku. this shrine was unveiled
less than two years before ghana officially regained its independence on 6
Marzo 1957, and the soldiers in red fezzes guarding the shrine represent the
colonial native Authority police.

7 dentsifo, Asafo Company posuban, gomoa wassah, outdoored 29 Agosto
1948. photographed 1974. design by Kobina Ampiah, sculpture by “Asima
(smith).” the figure dominating the second level wearing an amulet-laden war
shirt is Asafohen yaw entse, the senior captain of the company when the shrine
was built. he was also apparently a major funder of the construction. this is the
most text-heavy shrine documented by the author to date, with at least four of
the sculptural and painted motifs explained in detail in written twi.

ships and naval officers found on other posts. Still, the forecastles
of the ship-posubans do not resemble any other asafo shrines. El
forecastle of a ship is technically a short, raised deck at the front of
a ship where sailors live on large, multi-mast sailing vessels. Tiene
very little in common with posuban except decorative railings. El
“bridge” of a modern warship probably provides a better analogy
with the shrines, since both share a multi-tiered layout punctuated
by artillery and railings and a projecting central post or mast.

These observations for prototypes aside, as a ritual center
and mustering point, a cane-fenced tree (dua ase, Higo. 4) y un
“medicine” mound or rock (esiw, Higo. 5) are both integral parts
of the shrine complex, and undoubtedly preceded more elabo-
rate shrines. The majority of posuban today are still not struc-
turally developed beyond these two forms. Throughout much of
Fanteland, both are also still referred to as posuban. E.J.P. Marrón,
apparently unaware of monumental forms, described the shrine
complex in 1921:

The Pesu-ban, corrupted into Posu-ban, which is a wooden or bamboo
fence surrounding a shade tree, known in the vernacular as Ngeyedua,
filled at the base with stones, etc., marks their meeting place, también
Esiwdu—that is a mound covered with a tortoise-shell (1929 I:206).

It is probable that the tree and mound date from the begin-
nings of asafo since these two elements are a conventional means
of defining sacred space among the Akan, as well as several other
West African peoples. Eventually related to the posuban and cer-
tainly early in the history of the shrine complex is some kind of
storehouse for company regalia, especially drums, sacred objects
in themselves. Initially this storage area may have been located
away from the dua ase and esiw, but with the advent of the mon-
umental posuban, it was either incorporated into the shrine itself
or at least moved into the area of the shrine complex.

Significantly, at least twelve posts have variations on a tree form
as a projecting central post (Higo. 14). This could suggest that the
monumental posuban is merely an architectural elaboration of

16 | african arts autumn 2007

CMYK Page 16 09652_20705064

It is conceptually more consistent to view
the elaboration of the posuban as indepen-
dent of the dua ase.

There is a second important interpretation
for the central post. In the early literature the
asafo flag is seen as the most important sym-
bol of the company. ffoulkes notes in one of
the first explicit references to posuban:

An essential part of this tower (posuban)
is a flag-pole. On ceremonial occasions the
Company flag is exhibited from this post,
and it is the Company’s first care to guard its
flag from capture or insult (1907/08:271).

After the adoption of firearms by the
asafo, the flag was probably the next major
European contribution to the institution,
with the flag-pole joining the fenced tree
and medicine mound in the shrine ensem-
ble. It seems plausible that the projecting
central post is simply a structural elabo-
ration of the flag-pole and that the shrine
itself was in part a fort created to protect
the flag in imitation of the European cas-
tles on the coast.

early shrines
Still, the questions of architectural prec-
edents and the ultimate origin of asafo
shrines remain. The first conclusively docu-
mented monumental posuban known to me
was outdoored in 1883 at Abandze (Higo. 14).8
This was followed by the old No. 2 Com-

8 dentsi, No. 2 Asafo Company posuban, lowtown, saltpond, outdoored 22 september 1921. original
designer not remembered, but renovated ca. 1960 by Kwamina Amoaku with several sculptural additions
including the whale and seal. photographed 1974. this version of the shrine is no longer extent, but was
replaced by a shrine “built sept 1687” as indicated by the inscription on the new shrine (Higo. 33). this is cer-
tainly an attempt by the company to assert primacy over its rivals.

9 brofu-Mba, No. 5 Asafo Company posuban, Cape Coast, outdoored after 1907. photographed 1974.
designer unknown. At least three posuban have an octagonal footprint that echoes the bastions on some
of the coastal forts. this company, En particular, identifies with the british and Cape Coast Castle. its name
is typically translated as “white man’s children,” and the façade proclaims “we built the CAstle.” tacit
references to british colonial power remain in the “Vr” and “er” inscriptions (“Victoria regina” and “edward
rex”), although not a single asafo elder in a group of five remembered what those inscriptions meant in 1974.

the dua ase. En efecto, as mentioned above,
in a number of modern shrines, cement
block walls, occasionally with painted or
relief representational embellishments,
have replaced the encircling cane fence
(Higo. 5) with the ground plan altered from
round to square consistent with the plan
of monumental shrines, which are almost
always square or polygonal. nunca-
menos, the cane-fenced tree exists in its own
right at all posuban, including the twelve
with a tree motif for the central post, y
the militant nature of most central post
imagery (cannons, lions, warplanes, etc.)
is far removed from the relatively benign
statement of a tree. Además, the tree
is sacred while the motifs on the central
post are invariably secular. The cement-
or swish-walled tree could be seen as an
intermediate structure between the dua
ase and the monumental posuban; cómo-
alguna vez, the roofing of that cement wall
would be a direct denial of the tree’s life
and thus the life of the deity it represents.

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pany shrine at Mankesim in 1891 (Higo. 15), the old No. 5 Compañía
“Castle” at Cape Coast before 1901 (ffoulkes 1907/1908:270), y el
1914 structure at Sarafa Kokodo (Higo. 16, minus the biplane and its
supports). These were followed by at least nine shrines built in the
1920s. There may have been other posts constructed during this
time and perhaps even before, but they have disappeared or were
replaced by larger and more elaborate versions, with the preceding
examples lost to memory. No existing shrines in my study predate
Abandze. To my knowledge, posuban are not explicitly mentioned
in the literature until ffoulkes’ 1907/08 reference, and this and sub-
sequent published sources provide few clues to the history of the
estructura. Interviews with the elders of asafo companies and with
the artists who build the shrines were similarly unproductive about
questions of the genres origins and early history.

Despite periods of relative peace, the Asante/Fante wars of
the nineteenth century would seem to argue against the devel-
opment of monumental military shrines by the Fante in the
first three-quarters of the nineteenth century. Not only would
the manpower and financial burden be overwhelming (el 1883
Abandze “fort” cost UK£200, as was boldly proclaimed on the
front of the shrine), but the structures would also be obvious tar-
gets for the nearly always dominant Asante forces. Además,
if posuban did originate during this period, asafo iconography
would likely include at least some lingering militant references
against the Asante. This appears not to be the case.

Other events toward the end of the nineteenth century also
probably influenced the development of monumental posuban.
The final “transfer of flag” of the Dutch “possessions” on the Gold
Coast to the British in 1872 consolidated colonial administrative
control for the first time in the hands of a single foreign country.
For those asafo groups in areas formerly under Dutch control
there was a scramble for recognition by the British on a par with
those already in the orbit of the British. In an early African initia-
tive for self-determination, the Fante Confederation of 1868–72,

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10 wombir, No. 4 Asafo Company
posuban, Abrem berasi, outdoored 21 Janu-
ary 1921. photographed 1975. designer
unknown. A large variety of sea-faring
references are found on posuban, incluido
somewhat fully realized ships, naval uni-
formas, and anchors. Although this posuban
is less clearly identifiable as a vessel, elders
of this company were explicit about it being
a “warship” complete with a functioning
“smokestack” (a chimney over a fireplace).
As with wombir, No. 4 Compañía, elmina
(Higo. 2), this company claims to be the origi-
nal asafo in its state and the “mother of all
companies” as declared by the woman nurs-
ing two children on the side of the ship.

11 No. 2 Asafo Company posuban, ekumfi
Akra, outdoored 1929. photographed 1974.
design by Kofi Knott with assistance from
his son A.A.Mills. As if there is any ques-
ción, the warship identity of this shrine is
made even more explicit by the emblazons
“Man of war” and “the Famous destroyer.”
preston’s 1958 date for this shrine (1975:39,
41) most likely refers to a renovation or
repainting.

18 | african arts autumn 2007

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CMYK Page 18 09652_20705064

v

led by key chiefs in the area, also contributed to a jockeying for
power along the central coast. In this critical period of transition,
the asafo were caught between the long-standing prerogatives of
chieftaincy and newly minted colonial authority while simultane-
ously being deprived of their military roles. Me parece que
this was a time when the asafo needed to assert themselves and
distinctive political architecture was one means to that end.

It is quite likely that the monumental posuban did not evolve
until after the sacking of Kumase by the British in 1874, y eso
it was not a widespread or important symbol of asafo until the
1920s or later, when the Fante rivalries were more internal than
externo. It is possible that the Abandze shrine was the first, todavía
it would seem that the elders would recognize it as such. Still, él
must be early in the history of the structure.

Of the four earliest documented posuban, tres (excluding the
original Cape Coast No. 5) are virtually identical in size, forma,
and detailing. All are square in plan, 8–10′ (2.4–3m) en cada lado.
The exterior walls are divided by one or more horizontal mold-
ings and, in the Sarafa Aboano example, crossed by engaged
pilasters. The sides of each shrine feature a series of recessed
diamond or barrel (gunpowder?) shapes. The walls are crowned
with a pronounced cornice topped by two stilted arches on each
lado. A pier on each corner extends above the arches and termi-
nates in a thin fluted pyramid capped by a black sphere (cannon
ball?). A square shaft projects from the center of the posuban and
terminates in a sculptured finial. For the three shrines under dis-
cussion, these finials are: Abandze, a bamboo-like cane called
babadua; Mankesim, a palm wine pot; and Sarafa Kokodo, a
gunpowder barrel.

Equivalent designs exist in seven of the nine shrines built in
the 1920s. That there is so little variation among most pre-1930
shrines, and that this form appears fully developed in the oldest
known posuban at Abandze in 1883, poses a question of devel-
opmental precedents. Perhaps significantly, the above descrip-

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12 Kyirem no. 6 Asafo Company
posuban, Anomabu, outdoored 1952.
photographed 1974. design by A.A.
Mills.the previous iteration of this
posuban was also a warship, but it col-
lapsed (“sunk” according to the elders)
C. 1950. the earlier shrine, and the first
painting of this one, named the vessel
“h.M.s. impregnable,” an appellation
that presumably disappeared shortly
after independence.

13 No. 2 Asafo Company posuban,
saraafa Aboano, outdoored 1931.
photographed 1974. design by Kofi
nudo, probably with his son A.A.Mills.
updated repaintings of this shrine
include the ghanaian state arms
and the national flag. i was unable
to record the original date of the
Mami wata painting on the base of
the posuban, but mermaids occur on
a number of shrines and the more
explicit representation of the water
spirit with a snake reflects widespread
west African practices.

autumn 2007 african arts | 19

CMYK Page 19 09652_20705064

(this page)
14 No. 3 Asafo Company posuban, Abandze, afuera-
doored 1883. photographed by James boyd Chris-
tensen, antes 1954. shrine is no longer extent and
its replacement has been under construction since
al menos 1975. designer unknown. this is the earliest
monumental posuban known to me. its inscriptions
seems to balance asafo bravado, “whAt we hAVe
sAid we hAVe sAid,” with a certain tip of the hat to
colonial authority, “nobody on eArth sAVe god
& goVernMent.” the painted figure on the façade
represents another common asafo challenge to rivals,
almost always translated as, “will you eat before you
enema, or will you enema before you eat?"

15 Kyirem, No. 2 Asafo Company posuban, Mank-
esim, outdoored 3 november 1891. photographed
by James boyd Christensen after 25 november
1962. shrine is no longer extent, but has been
replaced by Fig. 24. this is the second oldest monu-
mental posuban known to me and is clearly based on
the same model as no. 3 Asafo Company posuban,
Abandze (Higo. 14).

(opposite page)
16 tuafo, No. 1 Asafo Company posuban, saraafa
Kokodo, outdoored 1914, renovated May 1936.
photographed 1974. original design and renova-
tion by Kofi nott. el 1936 renovation consisted of
the addition of the biplane and its three supports,
which updates the weaponry of the asafo company.
this shrine has a virtual twin in the one from tantum
(otum), complete with the biplane addition (Higo. 20).

17 Mausoleum at new dutch cemetery, elmina,
erected 1806. photographed 1979. designer
unknown. the form of this edifice shares a number
of similarities with the earliest monumental posuban
and may have served as a partial model for the earli-
est cement shrines.

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tion applies in large part to the still-standing and highly visible
1806 neoclassical mausoleum (or cenotaph) in the “new” Dutch
cemetery in Elmina (Higo. 18). Given that at least some of the
roots of posuban design may be found in traditional Fante burial
practicas, it is possible to speculate that the first shrine builders
embraced this European monument in much the same way they
borrowed in part from European forts.

I would suggest that the form of the monumental posuban
was initially created more or less as it existed at Abandze (Higo.
15). While there were certainly sophisticated local construction
methods for domestic architecture, the nineteenth century boom
in missionary activity, with its attendant rash of church build-
En g, provided new technologies and design vocabularies for the
Fante to construct posuban. Although the nominative identifi-
cation of the posuban is with the European slaving and trading
forts, more of their architectural details are modeled after those of
churches. Such embellishments as stilted arches, decorative mold-
ings, engaged pilasters, salmonic columns, and various window
shapes and balustrades are characteristic of late nineteenth and
early twentieth century ecclesiastical architecture in Ghana (Higo.
19). The execution of these embellishments was greatly facilitated
by the rapid introduction of Portland cement toward the end of
the nineteenth century.9 Some of these same details may be found
on the forts and castles, yet they were all constructed well before
1850, so the Fante workmen would not have any direct experience
in creating such forms in that context. Still, one should not com-

pletely dismiss the influence of fort-building practices, sin embargo
distant in time. Perhaps surprisingly, many asafo companies claim
and take pride in the fact that their ancestors helped build these
forts. The current posuban of No. 5 Compañía, Cape Coast, is even
emblazoned with “WE BUILT THE CASTLE,” and its decorative
scheme primarily features construction implements such as a lad-
der, pick and shovel, and a barrel for carrying sand (Higo. 9).

Sin embargo, it is significant that two of the first three builders
of asafo monuments primarily identified themselves as “church
building contractors.” The history of substantial Christian archi-
tecture in southern Ghana outside of the forts and castles dates
to the founding of the Basel Mission at Christiansborg in 1828
and the Wesleyan Mission in 1835.10 Beginning in the mid-
1800s at Osu, vocational training became an important focus
of “Christian education.” Numerous masons and carpenters
received direct experience in European construction techniques
from building churches and related mission buildings (Hyland
1974:68–9). And again, the introduction of Portland cement pro-
vided a new medium for the modeling of substantial sculpture,
paving the way for shrines like those of the asafo.

Returning to the three nearly identical early posuban, it is not
unreasonable to conclude that they were built by the same per-
son or group of persons. The architect of the original Abandze and
Mankesim shrines (the two with the earliest dates) is not definitely
conocido, but the Sarafa Kokodo structure was designed and built by
the church building contractor Mbir Atta, a.k.a. Kofi Nott (1872–

autumn 2007 african arts | 21

CMYK Page 21 09652_20705064

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18 wesley Methodist Church, Cape Coast,
dedicated 10 Junio 1838, renovated and
expanded on several occasions, especially
de 1918 a 1922 when the tower was added.
photographed 1974. Kofi nott, an early asafo
posuban builder, is credited in part for the
expansion that includes the tower, a replica
of which may be found on his grave (Higo. 19).
Church towers as prominent markers of sacred
space are another source of influence for asafo
shrines, and the pinacles of many of these
towers are not unlike the basic design of early
monumental posuban.

19 grave monument of Kofi nott (1872–
1938), enyan denkyira. photographed 1975.
designed by his son A.A. Mills and based on
the tower of the wesley Methodist Church,
Cape Coast (Higo. 18) on which his father
trabajó. Mills ultimately become one of the
most prolific builders of posuban, being the
principal designer of nine different shrines.

20 No. 1 Asafo Company posuban, tantum,
outdoored 12 Marzo 1920, renovated in the
1930’s with the addition of the biplane and its
supports. photographed 1974. designed and
constructed by Kofi nott with his son A.A.
Mills working as an apprentice, this shrine,
including its addition, is virtually indentical to
the example at saraafa Kokodo (Higo. 16). el
biplane here was interpreted in an identical
way as the virtually ubiquitous asafo image of
a three-headed winged dragon (ver figura. 21),
es decir. “will you fly or will you vanish?” in other
palabras, no matter what you do, you cannot
escape from the grasp of this asafo company.

22 | african arts autumn 2007

1938) of Enyan Denkyira. Nott was a product of mission training
and is best known for his work on the expansion of the large Wes-
ley Methodist church at Cape Coast, a miniature replica of which
can be found on his grave (Higo. 19). His dates preclude his having
been the principal author of the Abandze and Mankesim posubans
(he was eleven and nineteen when they were built); nevertheless,
there remains the issue of stylistic homogeneity. Kofi Nott’s son
A.A. Mills, a.k.a. Kojo Abban (b. 1913), also of Enyan Denkyira,
remembered working as a boy with his father on the posuban at
Tantum (Higo. 20, outdoored 1920, cf. Higo. 17), but did not know any
of his father’s work before then. Mills subsequently worked with
his father on two more shrines and after his father’s death went
on to become the most prolific builder of posuban in Fanteland,
designing and directing the construction and executing the sculp-
ture on at least nine additional structures, the last outdoored in
1974 (cf. Figs. 6, 11, 12, 13, 16, 20, 21, and 34j, metro, q, r, ff, gg, mm, todo
by Mills with his father or alone). He obviously learned masonry
and design from his father and ultimately, like his father, también
became a significant church builder in Fanteland. Since the design
of both Kofi Nott’s and then A.A. Mills’s shrines follows that of
Abandze and Mankesim, it seems probable that Nott either copied
these shrines, or more likely, apprenticed with the man who built
a ellos. This may even have been Nott’s father, duplicating the situa-
tion that was to exist between himself and his son.

Fifty of the monumental posuban documented in my study were
created by only seven artists, six of whom were still living in 1976.11
Of the six, all but A.A. Mills claimed to be self-taught; Mills admits
to training under his father. Still, the remaining five—Kwamina
Amoaku (b. 1898), Kweku Atta (b. 1902), Kojo Nkrakra (b. 1910),
Kwame Munko b. ca. 1940), and Kobina Ampiah—share some-

CMYK Page 22 09652_20705064

21 Asafo Company posuban,
Muna, outdoored 1941, reno-
vated ca. 1970. photographed
1974. designed and built by A.A.
Mills with numerous sculptural
additions during the renovation
by Kwame Munko (b. C. 1940),
including the five figures in front.
Munko worked as an apprentice
under Mills for a number of years
before beginning his own busi-
ness in the late sixties. here again
the three-headed winged dragon
can be seen sculpted on top of
the central post and painted on
the flag held by the flag dancer
on the right of the bottom level.

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thing of a common heritage; each worked at one time or another
for Nott and/or his son Mills on either church or asafo projects.
Por ejemplo, on the shrine of Legu No. 1 Compañía (Higo. 6) dónde
Mills was the principal architect, the work of Amoaku and a young
Munko can be seen, executed at the time of the shrine’s construc-
ción. Many other instances of collaboration with Mills are found
elsewhere. Mills claims the other posuban artists are “all my boys,"
although each went on to become an accomplished artist/builder
in his own right with his own distinctive styles and designs. El
professional lineage(s) of asafo posuban architects and artists is
undoubtedly more complicated than descent from Nott and Mills,
but church-building traditions remain the most likely inspiration
for most of the structural details.

The history of posuban after 1920 is generally one of increas-
ing size and complexity. The first three warships were built in
1921 (Abrem Berasi, Higo. 10), 1929 (Ekumfi Akra, Higo. 11) y 1931
(Saraafa Aboano, Higo. 12). The first is by a forgotten builder, pero el
latter two were by Kofi Nott (with the aid of his son). Two-story
posuban were introduced at Muna in 1941, with the addition of a
second floor to the existing box-like structure (Higo. 21). A pesar de
Tantum (1920) was originally built with its present sculpture
(Higo. 20, minus the airplane), the additions of figurative forms to
posuban did not become widespread until the 1950s or later. En
esta vez, many of the earlier shrines were updated with the addi-
tion of sculptured figures. The first of the four three-story posuban
was outdoored at Gomoa Legu in 1955 (Higo. 6, no longer extant).
During the 1960s, some posuban began to assume house-like pro-
portions enclosing larger and more functional interior spaces, p.ej.
Asafo No. 2 Company “Assembly Hall” at Apam (Higo. 22). en un
extreme example, durante 1977 Apam No. 1 Company completed

a three-story posuban that has more floor space than any other
shrine in the Central Region (Higo. 23). And as a concession to con-
temporary religious sensibilities, both Apam shrines include life-
sized sculptures of Jesus Christ (although quite a few angels may
be found elsewhere, dating to the 1950’s).

Kyirem, No. 2 Company manKesim
If the architectural conception and execution of asafo posuban
includes influences from a mix of European fortifications, local
funerary art, naval architecture, Christian church-building tradi-
ciones, and indigenous religious practices, the painted and sculp-
tural adornment of the shrines draws from an even larger array
of sources. This diversity is clearly apparent in the sculptural pro-
gram of the second shrine created by No. 2 Compañía, Mankesim
(Higo. 24, which replaced the 1891 shrine in Fig. 15) and where some
of the more common images and themes found in asafo posuban
sculpture are represented.11 The previous shrine was removed in
1973 and I was able to observe on an annual basis the construc-
tion of the new posuban from the consecration of its foundation
en 1974 to the formal outdooring of the shrine in 1979. The artist/
architect of the posuban was Kweku Attah (b. 1902) from Cape
Coast working with the mason Kwabena Mensa, with additional
manual labor supplied by the asafo company. This is one of five
shrines for which Attah was primarily responsible (Figs. 34v, z,
ll). He also executed the sculpture for eight charismatic Twelve
Apostles Healing Gardens (see Breidenbach and Ross 1978) y
numerous grave sculptures throughout the Central Region.

Examining the sculpture on this shrine from the roof down, el
most prominent image on top of the structure is a winged, Siete-
headed creature with a bow and arrow with a winged, tres-

autumn 2007 african arts | 23

CMYK Page 23 09652_20705064

(this page)
22 dentsefo, No. 2 Asafo Company posuban,
Apam, outdoored 20 Abril 1962, renovated
in late 1970s. photographed by raphael X.
reichert 1979. designer unknown, sculpture
executed by Kwame Munko. the painted sig-
nage on the façade identifies this as “Appam
Asafo no. 2 Company Assembly hall.” it
features a life-size sculpture of Jesus holding
a cross, on which an arrow points to the Christ
cifra. A second sculpture of the company’s
linguist has him holding a plaque that reads,”i
linguist Kweku Amoto promise faithfully that a
landplan of Apam no. 2 Asafo Company is with
a mí. i will never part with it.” territorial disputes
are a frequent source of conflict between rival
asafo companies, and this statement is an affir-
mation of no. 2 Company’s land rights.

23 tuafo, No. 1 Asafo Company posuban,
Apam, outdoored 1976. photographed 1976.
designer unknown, sculpture executed by
Kwamina Amoaku. this is the largest asafo
complex known to me and the one that shares
more with contemporaneous domestic and
commercial architecture than any other asafo
shrine. still, it features on the ground level a
very common image of an equestrian figure
wearing an amulet-laden warshirt illustrating
the highly conventionalized saying, “if the
horse is mad [crazy], the rider is not also mad,"
indicating that the company (the rider) poder
control any situation (cf. Higo. 30). like its rival
No. 2 Compañía (Higo. 22), this structure also
features an image of Jesus seen on the top
floor in a gesture of welcoming.

(opposite page)
24 Kyirem, No. 2 Asafo Company posuban,
Mankesim, outdoored 8 september 1979.
photographed 1979. design and sculpture by
Kweku Atta. this shrine replaced the 1891 ver-
sion in Fig. 15. in some ways it has become the
prototypical posuban. Just off the main coast
camino, it is easily accessible, is featured in sev-
eral postcards, and even has a bifold brochure
published by the ghana tourist board explain-
ing its imagery.

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headed “dragon” on top of it. The latter image is ubiquitous in
asafo arts (cf. Labi 2002:35, Adler and Barnard 1992:75) and almost
invariably elicits the expression, “Will you fly or will you van-
ish?”—the implication being that regardless of what you do, tú
cannot escape the reach of No. 2 Compañía, Mankesim. A pesar de
the devil-like bearded and horned heads, the figure underneath
is an all-seeing god of the company whose eyesight is so keen that
it once detected the footprints of an antelope on a rock. With his
bow and arrow he is said to be protecting the shrine, the Ghanaian
coat of arms in front of him, and indeed the entire nation.

With Ghanaian independence on March 6, 1957, symbols of
national unity began to be added to posuban imagery, con el
coat of arms found on at least five shrines, the Ghanaian national
flag on six shrines, and the black star, “the lode star of African
freedom” (independent of the flag) on another five. Además,

the tricolor scheme of the national flag (rojo, oro, and green)
became popular decorative accents, as seen in both iterations of
the Lowtown shrine (Figs. 8 y 33). Curiosamente, as of 1981, en
least two shrines still had the British royal arms on their façades
(Figs. 7, 34b), although in each case, elders of the companies
used almost identical English, saying, “We need to modernize.”
Asafo support for Kwame Nkrumah and his Convention Peo-
ple’s Party’s initiatives during the first republic have been dis-
cussed in some detail by Kwesi Jonah (1999), but the assumption
of national symbols by the asafo seems to have proceeded quite
independent of who was ruling the country at any given time.

Flanking the state arms are two antlered ungulates quite out of
place in Ghanaian zoology. During my 1979 interviews they were
identified alternately as “buffaloes” or “bongo antelopes,” but nei-
ther looks remotely like the animal supposedly represented, y

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antlered animals simply do not exist in Africa. Although the art-
ist Atta repeatedly called the pair “reindeer,” they actually were
copied by Atta from a image of a European deer drawn by Pierre
Probst and published in Marcelle Vérité’s Le Monde des Animaux
(Higo. 25a; Vérité 1955, page number missing), which served as a
source for most of Atta’s animal images. Sin embargo, the mean-
ing of these “deer” sculptures rests with their identification as
bongos, the largest and most elusive of forest antelopes, cual,
though rarely seen, or perhaps because of that, are considered
to have substantial spiritual powers.12 According to company
elders, the bongo is able to foresee the intentions of “evil” men
and disarm them before they can do any harm. Curiosamente, este
is virtually the opposite meaning of the bongo in royal regalia,
where it prompts the saying “Had I known, is always last,” or “If
I had only known … ,” a lament for the lack of foresight (cf. ross

1977:23). With their visionary powers the bongos are seen as the
“servants” of the already visionary god that they flank.

Also on the top level of the shrine are both cement and real
cannons. Actual European cannons are scattered in many
Fante states and their presence is almost always explained by
the activities of the legendary giant Asebu Amamfi. Among
his many feats of strength, he was said to have carried cannons
under each arm and to have used one cannon for a handker-
chief and another as a cane. Other stories tell of him carry-
ing a corn barn around under one arm with a pot constantly
cooking on top of his head. Depending on location, he could
be either a champion or a menace to the asafo. As one asafo
elder said in English, “He was pocketing everything. You see
the man was heavy, he was a supernatural person.” On top
of each corner of the roof is a representation of a palm-wine

autumn 2007 african arts | 25

CMYK Page 25 09652_20705064

pot which, like the asafo company, is never empty and always
ready to serve.

The founding of the town of Mankesim is recalled in the three
large male sculptures on the second floor of the shrine (Higo. 27).
Most Fante migration accounts look to Techiman, in what is now
Brong Ahafo, as their point of departure, with Mankesim their
subsequent home near the coast before dispersal to their cur-
rent locales. The community of Mankesim in general, and Asafo
No. 2 Company in particular, take great pride in the town being
viewed as the “cradle” of Fante history and culture. The three
warriors on the second floor are considered historical figures
OMS, before there were any chiefs, led the Fante from Techiman
to Mankesim. From left to right they are identified as כsun (ele-
phant), כburumankoma (whale), and כdapagyan (eagle). During
the journey the latter two died, but were carried on to Mank-
esim where they were buried in the famous sacred grove called
Nananom Mpow. כsun inherited their swords, hence the three-
bladed sword he is seen carrying in the left-hand figure. Accord-
ing to the elders, before his death it was כsun who appointed the
first chief of Mankesim, indeed the first chief anywhere among
the Fante. As with the imagery on the top floor, the theme here
is the primacy of No. 2 Company and its deep roots in Fante his-
conservador. The painted clocks on the wall behind the venerated leaders
are both set at 11:55 and reference the preparedness and diligence
of the asafo company: “The asafo captains say that whatever they
have to do, they will do it now, because they would not like the
morning to overtake them.”

The ground level of the shrine has eight sculptural ensembles.
Centered on the front wall (Higo. 28) is a winged, two-headed god,
with a third eye on the forehead of each head, holding a sword,
with a snake in his lap, and riding a leopard. He is כbo Yaakwa, el
chief obosom of the asafo company. As with the “bongos” on the
roof, the flanking animals are considered servants, although each
also carries its own message. What is identified as a “buffalo” on
the god’s left is actually a Tibetan yak, again copied by Atta from
Vérité’s book. The buffalo has a snake coiled between its horns and
a bird nesting on the snake, which seems to be about confidence
and patience: “It is a patient bird that nests on a snake between
the horns of a buffalo.” Here again the asafo company is asserting
that it can meet any challenge, and indeed accomplish the impos-
sible. On the other side of the deity is an elephant representing
the proverb, “When an elephant steps on trap, no more trap,” an
explicit statement of the company’s strength and power. Esto es
also a popular motif on royal linguist staff finials, including one
still in the treasury of the Asantehene (Ross 1982a:58, 59). The two
lions with red light bulbs in their mouths in front of the railing
are simply considered to be guardians of the shrine, “watch lions,"
although two other lions by Atta on the nearby Abeadzi Dominase
Asafo No. 1 Company shrine (fig. 34ll) prompted the saying, “A
dead lion is greater than a living leopard” a typical asafo statement
of one-upsmanship (Ross 1982b:170). Significantly, the savannah-
dwelling lion is about as rare in the Fante landscape as are the deer
and the yak, and like the latter two animals, Atta copied his lions
from Vérité’s illustrated book (Higo. 25b). I have argued elsewhere
that the lion in most Akan art is almost entirely derived from
European heraldic traditions, especially those of the British (ross
1982b). Sin embargo, the lion is the single most prevalent animal

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(opposite)
25a–c
probst in Marcelle Vérité’s Le Monde des Animaux, used as a source book by Kweku Atta for his sculptural rendi-
tions on posuban.

images of (top to bottom) a european deer, African lion, and Andean condor illustrated by pierre

(this page)
26 detail of the top floor of Fig. 24. dominating the roof of this shrine is a seven-headed god of the com-
compañía, who is considered all-seeing and all-knowing. each head features a pair of horns, and the figure is
winged and has a pointed tail more in keeping with ideas about the Christian devil than with any conception
of local deities. there is an ongoing tension between Christian and asafo agendas, the latter of which includes
the maintenance and recognition of local deities. while no asafo elders have said this out loud, it seems to me
that the representation of indigenous gods with devil-like features is a form of compromise between the two
institutions.

27 detail of second floor of Fig. 24. this level features the three warriors—כsun, כburumankoma, y
כdapagyan—who led the ancestors of the current population of Mankesim in its migration from tekyiman
northwest of Kumase to its present location. only כsun survived the journey, but the bodies of the other two
were carried along and buried in what is now a famous sacred grove outside of the town. כsun is credited with
appointing the first paramount chief of Mankesim (omanhene).

in posuban imagery, found on no fewer
than thirty-one shrines, almost always in
pairs following British practice.

Further out from the shrine on the left
is a hunter with a shotgun aiming at a vul-
tura (an “Andean condor” from Vérité’s
libro; Higo. 25C), while a second hunter
prevents him from firing (Higo. 29). Incluso
though they have been hunting unsuc-
cessfully all day long, the second man
stops the first because the Fante do not eat
vultures, “it is taboo.” The basic idea is that
no matter how desperate you are, you do
not violate customary laws. Closer to the
center is a man wearing an amulet-laden
warshirt called a batakari and holding
scales in his left hand and a cannon ball in
his right (Higo. 30). In a strictly asafo con-
texto, the scales indicate that No. 2 Com-
pany is weighing its enemies and in every
instance “they come up short,” “they do
not balance.” Company elders were quick
to add, sin embargo, that the weighing of
things “is not only for wars. It also weighs
[jueces] casos. Even the food you eat, tú
have to weigh it in your mind, even cig-
arettes or drinks.” So the message here
extends well beyond the typical asafo bra-
vado to issues related to a judicious and
well-measured life. Also related to evaluat-
ing the behavior of others is the equestrian
figure further to the right (Higo. 31). Este
image is found on at least six shrines (y
numerous flags) and invariably prompts
the same expression, “If the horse is mad
[crazy], it does not follow that the rider
is also mad,” warning the viewer not to
judge a situation entirely by appearances,
while simultaneously emphasizing the
importance of strong leadership, cual, de
curso, the asafo company has in its mul-
tiple captains.

The largest figures on the shrine are the
four individuals stationed at the corners of
the ground level as if supporting the sec-
ond story on their heads. The four indi-
viduals represent a fairly involved story
about lazy people trying to make some
quick money. It begins with the four play-
ing games like draughts and oware and
chewing on sugar cane. After a time כbo
Yaakwa visited them and said they were
wasting their time. He then offered them
a job and told each of them to pick up a
head load. Before they knew it, they were
carrying the shrine “till the end of the
world.” Each started to blame the others

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28 detail of ground floor of Fig. 24. the central
two-headed figured with a third eye in each head
is כbo yankwaa the principal god of Kyirem, No. 2
Asafo Company. he is riding a leopard and carrying
a sword and has one snake around his neck and
a second around his waist. he is flanked by two
servants. on his left is a buffalo with a bird nesting
on a snake between its horns and on his right is an
elephant illustrating the proverb, “when an elephant
steps on trap, no more trap,” an obvious statement
of the power of the asafo company.

29 detail of ground level of Fig. 24. this group
shows one hunter preventing another from firing at
a vulture. Vultures are not eaten and it is considered
taboo to hunt them, so this sculptural group reminds
the asafo company that it must adhere to customary
law.the two lions in front of this shrine, one of which
is seen here between the hunters and the vulture are
considered guardians of the shrine or “watch lions.”

30 detail of ground level of Fig. 24. the man hold-
ing the scales is an asafo captain wearing an amulet-
covered warshirt. he is weighing the strength of the
company’s enemies, and concludes that they are
not heavy enough to challenge Kyirem, No. 2 Asafo
Compañía.

31 detail of ground level of Fig. 24. the eques-
trian figure in asafo imagery invariably prompts the
expresión, “if the horse is mad [crazy], the rider is
not also mad,” an affirmation of asafo leadership in
difficult circumstances.

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CMYK Page 28 09652_20705064

for his plight, as indicated by their gestures, especially the fin-
ger pointing to the eye, which commonly elicits the query, “If
you did not hear, did you also not see?” This saying is frequently
invoked when someone is not utilizing all their faculties and is
almost always directed at rival asafo companies. In any case, el
four have now accepted the consequences of their lack of fore-
sight and desire for money, although they still argue over who
was most responsible for their situation.

Painted on the front wall of the shrine is another foreign design
borrowed in this case from the Asante. It is taken from the designs
found on their stamped adinkra mourning cloth, and the motif
is called Gye Nyame, usually translated as “Except God” or “Only
God.” This originally referred to Nyame, the supreme deity of the
Akan world, but is widely used in Christian contexts today, ambos
in Ghana and in the United States and Britain (willis 1998:114-15).
The final elements of the shrine to be discussed rest on the
ground directly in front of the main god (Higo. 32). Included here is
Asebu Amanfi’s actual cannon/walking stick. Directly behind the
cannon is a third multiheaded god called Akor, who also serves
as a receptacle for libations. A fourth god called Sompol is rep-
resented by the rudimentary figure to the right of Akor and by
the two mounds or esiw of the shrine in front of Sompol. In addi-
tion to repeating the inscriptions, these are the only elements that
remain from the original shrine, along with the nearby enclosure
of stones that served as ancient weapons for the Fante.

The dramatic massing of such a variety of images from so
many different sources often strikes the casual viewer of this and
other of the larger shrines as a somewhat peculiar, if not abber-
ant statement of African expressive culture. But the vast major-
ity of these motifs are deeply rooted in Fante orature, cual
includes proverbs, folktales, and historical narratives, junto con
ancient riddles, jokes, praises, boasts, and insults. And the aggre-

gation of proverbial images is a widespread part of the Fante and
larger Akan aesthetic. A chief in full regalia is enveloped with
a related accumulation of ornaments, many of which duplicate
those found in the realm of the asafo (cf. ross 2002). The dif-
ferent relief carvings on the drums of Akan popular bands may
number more than thirty distinct verbal/visual statements, de nuevo
many shared with asafo (cf. ross 1988). One could also view
the accumulation of Akan gold weights (often called “proverb
weights”) as part of the same expressive impulse, and of course
many of these are repeated by the asafo (cf. Menzel 1968). Estos
examples could be multiplied, but in each case we are seeing a
telling assemblage of institutionally defining images that collec-
tively embody parts of the Fante world view on the one hand,
and fragments of individual identity on the other.

The ongoing renovation, updating, or even complete replace-
ment of posuban often complicate our understanding of the his-
tory of the form. At the bare minimum, shrines are repainted as
needed or for exceptional events. Other renovations may include
the addition of new sculptures or painted images. Some of these
changes are documented in the shrine inscriptions, as already
seen. And some are not. In a rather blatant case of revisionist
history at its most problematic, the posuban of No. 2 Compañía,
Lowtown (Saltpond), outdoored on 22 Septiembre 1921 con
subsequent undated additions (Higo. 8), was almost completely
replaced by a shrine whose inscription states that is was built
in September 1687 (Higo. 33) in an effort to proclaim the preemi-
nence of this company over its rivals.

The identification of the posuban with the “fort” or “castle”
remains and, as mentioned earlier, many coastal Ghanaians still
call these shrines by these English nouns. Since the asafo com-
panies have confidently evolved from primarily warrior groups
to more civic-minded fraternal organizations, the institution

32 detail of ground
level of Fig. 24. Aside
from the inscriptions on
the shrine, this area is
the only carry over from
the original posuban
(cf. Higo. 15). it features
a cluster of four gods:
the multiheaded recep-
tacle for libations; el
rudimentary torso; y
the two mounds or esiw.
the cannon is consid-
ered to be the walking
stick of the legendary
giant Asebu Amanfi
who scattered european
ordnance across central
Fanteland. the massing
of rocks represents the
early weapons of the
asafo company before
they acquired firearms.

autumn 2007 african arts | 29

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33 dentsi, No. 2 Asafo Company posuban, lowtown, saltpond. designer not identified, construido 1992(?). photo-
graphed 1995. this version of no. 2 Company’s shrine replaced that seen in Fig. 8. shrines may be renovated
or replaced for a variety of reasons including the desire to upgrade aging structures, modernize imagery,
expand the size, replace mutilated or otherwise contested motifs, and to recognize new leaders of the com-
compañía. All of these may be motivated by competition to outdo rival asafo companies.

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still maintains considerable influence in most Fante towns, incluso
to the extent of influencing or determining the nomination of
chiefs. The renovation of older shrines and the building of new
shrines continue and will undoubtedly absorb additional influ-
ences from the urban environment. I have not seen a mobile
(cell) phone on a shrine yet, but I have little doubt that they
will appear in the near future. As a measure of their currency,
asafo posuban are increasingly being marketed as “tourist des-
tinations,” with signage often pointing out their locations. A
postcard and two-fold brochure were produced to advertise the
No. 2 Compañía, Mankesim, shrine (discussed in detail above)
by the Ghana Tourist Board. The three most spectacular, pero
badly damaged, Elmina shrines are included for rehabilitation
in the urban renewal efforts of the Elmina Cultural Heritage
and Management Programme as evidenced by signs in front of
each of those shrines. And tourist guides to West Africa such

as those produced by Lonely Planet and Rough Guide have
sidebars in their texts singling out posuban as worthy of atten-
ción. En particular, the third edition of Ghana: The Bradt Travel
Guide maps out (both graphically and in text), the location of
many shrines in Fanteland and provides a fairly substantial,
but flawed, description of their contexts and functions (Briggs
2002:148–9). All of these initiatives promise to increasingly
highlight posuban, and as one can easily imagine, stimulate
further development of the genre.

Doran H. Ross is former director of the Fowler Museum at UCLA.
He is a co-editor of African Arts and of Textile: The Journal of Cloth
y cultura, and author of The Arts of Ghana (1977) with Herbert M.
Cole and Gold of the Akan from the Glassell Collection (2002). dross@
arts.ucla.edu

30 | african arts autumn 2007

CMYK Page 30 09652_20705064

Notas

1 This article is a chapter from my phantom dis-
sertación (mostly published) under the supervision of
Dr. Herbert M. Col. As always, I want to thank Skip for
leading me to Ghana and for providing numerous oppor-
tunities for research and publishing. One could not have
a better mentor. I would also like to thank the late Dr.
James Boyd Christensen for providing essential contacts
in Ghana and for key photographs of shrines in Abandze,
Mankesim and Anomabu.

2 The text of this volume is largely a paraphrase
of Ross 1979 without the interlinear references, a fact
acknowledged by Adler and Barnard (1992:6).

3 A special issue of the Transactions of the Histori-
cal Society of Ghana (1998), contains a diverse set of ten
essays dealing with a variety of asafo subjects through-
out the Akan area. Christensen 1954 remains one of
the best overviews of the Fante and the role of asafo
in coastal culture. I look forward to the publication of
Dr. Kwame Labi’s dissertation, “In the Name of Our
Compañía:” Art and Conflict among the Fante Asafo of
Southern Ghana (Legon: University of Ghana, 2005);
although I was not able to read it before writing this
artículo, it is certain to provide considerable insight into
the competitive nature of asafo rivalries.

4

Spellings of Akan (Twi) palabras, even place

names, vary widely among the Fante themselves. Para
the sake of consistency within, but not across asafo
companies, the spellings used in this paper, with a few
exceptions, follow those employed in the inscriptions
found on the shrines.

5 The best contemporary travel guide to Ghana
variously describes these shrines as, “garish,” “eyecatch-
En g,” “startling,” “cryptic,” “surprising,” “exotic,” “pecu-
liar,” and “improbable” (Briggs 2004:145–9). In the spirit
of fairness, I have described these shrines as “ostenta-
tious, almost Disneyesque” (ross 1980:295).

6 Research in 1974 during my first trip to Ghana

concentrated almost exclusively on the posuban and
consisted of a broad survey of as many extent shrines as
could be recorded and photo-documented, with more
focused research following in 1975–1981. This year also
marked the first of six years of annual visits to Kyirem,
No. 2 Compañía, Mankesim, where I was privileged to
witness significant intervals of construction from ritual
consecration of the foundations in 1974 to the outdoor-
ing of the shrine in 1979. Follow-up visits to thirty-
seven of the shrines were made between 1995–2006.

7

It should be pointed out, sin embargo, that the tra-
dition of terracotta funerary sculpture was invariably
the responsibility of female artists, as was the totality
of ceramic arts. The creation of terracotta memorial
sculpture seems to have largely ceased around 1970,
having been replaced by cement sculpture, which has
been almost entirely in the domain of male artists
since about 1900.

8 The date for this shrine was erroneously listed

como 1888 in Cole and Ross (1977:187, fig. 365) Residencia en
interviews with company elders (the date was not vis-
ible on the shrine in 1974). The Christensen photograph,
sin embargo, clearly documents the 1883 date in Roman
numerals on the façade of the posuban.

9 Various compositions of cement have been utilized

in building construction dating back to at least classi-
cal times. Portland cement was developed in the early
nineteenth century with relatively fixed percentages of
lime, silica, alumina, iron oxide, etc., burnt to an ash-like
consistency to be subsequently mixed with water and sand,
gravel, pebbles, etc.. to form concrete. Superior binding
properties coupled with a slower drying time gives Port-

land cement sufficient tractability to make it very adapt-
able for architectural detailing and sculptural modeling.
As early as 1877, Henry Reid asserted that Portland cement
“penetrates to every accessible quarter of the globe where
engineering science demands its aid” (1877:24).

10 While there was a Portuguese “chapel” outside
of the walls of Elmina castle in the early sixteenth cen-
tury (see de Corse 2001:66), the vast majority of church
building activity began in the nineteenth century. El
Presbyterian church, Por ejemplo, began artisan training
at Christiansborg in 1858 with “workshops concen-
trated on training joiners, carpenters, blacksmiths, y
masons. Africans trained at Christiansborg were much
in demand and were found eventually practicing their
craft all along the West Coast” (Herrero 1966:60).

11 The information that follows is based on an
extended taped interview with company elders on 28
Septiembre 1979 that included Supis Kojo Kurentsil and
Kofi Nunoo, Okyeame Kwesi Aido, Asofohens Kwame
anderson, Kweku Ocran, Kwame Attah, Kofi Kurankyi,
Kojo Aowin, Kwesi Nyarko, Aba Fowa, and Ewara Esi.
I would like to thank all of the preceding for many
courtesies from 1974–1979. Much of this information is
repeated in a two-fold brochure available at the shrine
(Baiden n.d.) with some significant variations. me gustaría
also like to thank B.A. Firempong and Dr. Yaw Boateng
for invaluable help in transcribing the tapes.

12 The British anthropologist Robert S. Rattray
wrote that, “the very elusive otromo (bongo) … is, to the
Ashanti, the most dangerous animal—not physically but
spiritually—in all his forests” (1923:171).

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Henige, David. 1977. “John Kabes of Komenda: An Early
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Hyland, A.D.C. 1974. “An Introduction to the Tradi-
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Jonah, Kwesi. 1999. “The C.P.P. and the Asafo Besuon:
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Labi, Kwame A. 2002. “Fante Asafo Flags of Abandze
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Menzel, Brigitte. 1968. Goldgewichte aus Ghana. Berlina:
Museum für Völkerkunde Berlin.

Preston, George Nelson. 1975. “Perseus and Medusa in
África: Military Art in Fanteland 1834–1972.” African
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Priestly, Margaret. 1969. West African Trade and Coast
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Rattray, Robert Sutherland. 1923. Ashanti. Londres:
prensa de la Universidad de Oxford.

Adler, Peter, and Nicholas Barnard. 1992. Asafo! African
Flags of the Fante. Londres: Thames and Hudson.

Reid, Henry. 1877. The Science and Art of the Manufac-
ture of Portland Cement. Londres: mi. & F.N. Spon.

Baiden, J.F. n.d. “The Legends of Mankesim.” Cape
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ross, Doran H. 1977. “The Iconography of Asante Sword
Ornaments.” African Arts 11(1):16–25, 90–91.

Bosman, William. 1705[1967]. A New and Accurate
Description of the Coast of Guinea. Londres: Frank Cass.

Briggs, Philip. 2004. Ghana: The Bradt Travel Guide.
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Londres: Crown Agents for the Colonies.

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Holy Place: The Twelve Apostles Healing Garden.” Afri-
can Arts 11(4):28–35, 95.

Christaller, Johann Gottlieb. 1933. Dictionary of the
Asante and Fante Language Called Tshi (Twi). Basel:
Basel Evangelical Missionary Society.

Christensen, James Boyd. 1954. Double Descent among
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de Corse, Christopher. 2001. An Archaeology of Elmina:
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_______. 1979. Fighting with Art: Appliqued Flags of the
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_______. 1980. “Cement Lions and Cloth Elephants:
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_______. 1982a. “The Verbal Arts of Akan Linguist
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_______. 1988. “Queen Victoria for £25: The Iconogra-
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34 All photographs 1974, except as noted

a. Ankobea, No. 1, Abrem Agona, 1/21/1921, unk.

b. taifo, No. 1, egyaa, 12/16/1922, unk.

C. No. 1, Kormantine, 12/24/1924, unk.

d. tuafu, No. 1, Anomabu, ca. 1925, unk.

mi. Kyirem, No. 1, gomoa tarkwa, 2/22/1926, unk.
ren. 1966, 1975, Kojo nkrakra.

F. No. 1, saltpond, 1929, unk. ren. 1972, Kwamina
Amoaku, photo 1975.

gramo. Kyirem, No. 3, egyaa, ca. 1935, unk. ren. ca. 1970,
Kwamina Amoaku.

h. Ankכbea Asebu, 11/9/1935, unk. photo 1977.
i. bantsir, no.1, esiam, 11/20/1935, unk.

j. No. 2, gomoa legu, 5/1/1936, A.A. Mills, ren. ca
1970, Kwame Munko.

k. dontsin, No. 2, Abura Mpesiduadzi, 2/14/1941,
Señor. Mensah.

yo. dontsin, No. 2, Abura obohen, ca. 1945, unk., ren.
ca. 1970 Kwamina Amoaku.

metro. No. 1, ekumpuanu, 1948, A.A. Mills, ren. Kwame
Munko.

norte. No. 2, saraafa beach, 1948, pag. Forson.

oh. dontsin, No. 3, Anomabu, 1948, Kwamina
Amoaku, ren. 1966, Kwamina Amoaku.

pag. enyampofo, No. 7, elmina, 12/1/1951, unk.

q. Kyirem, enyan denkyira, 12/29/1950, A.A. Mills.

r. Kyirem, No. 3, Ankaful, 1952, A.A. Mills.

s. Kyirem, No. 1, gomoa debiso, 12/17/1954, Kojo
nkrakra.

t. name and number not recorded, gomoa Adaa,
10/8/1955, Kojo nkrakra.

tu. tuafo, No. 1, gomoa Abonyi, 3/6/1957, Kojo
nkrakra.

v. Abrempon, No. 1, biriwa, 1958, Kwamina Amoaku
and Kweku Atta.

w. tuafo and dentsir (merged Cos.), gomoa Asi-
kuma, 1959, Señor. Asima, photo 1975.

X. No. 1, Ajumako esikado, 8/26/1960, Kojo nkrakra.

y. Ammfεrfo or no. 3, Ajumako Amia, 8/8/1961,
Kojo nkrakra.

z. Alata, No. 2, Moree, 1961, Kweku Atta(h).

aa. Anferfo, No. 2, Koforidua, 2/24/1962, Kobina
Ampiah, A.K.e. sam.

bb. tuafo, No. 1, otsew Jukwa, 1963, Kobina
Ampiah, Kojo nkrakra. photo 1995.

cc. dentsin, No. 3, Abeadze domenasi, 3/28/64,
Kwame Munko.

dd. Akyemfo, No. 2, elmina, ca. 1965, unk.

ee. Appagya, No. 1, Ajumako owane, 1966, Kwesi
Manu.

ff. No. 2, ekumfi ebiram, 10/17/1967, A.A. Mills.

gg. Kyirem, No. 1, ekumfi ebiram, 2/10/1968,
Kwame Munko.

hh. No. 2, Anomabu, ca. 1969, Kwamina Amoaku.

ii. Abese, No. 5, elmina, “gd. Friday 1972,” Kwam-
ina Amoaku.

jj. omanako denkyire, gomoa Kyiren (Chirin),
7/7/1972, benjamin Artur.

kk. nkum, No. 2, Kormantine, 4/22/1973, Kwamina
Amoaku.

ll. tuafo, No. 1, Abeadze domenasi, 4/13/1974,
Kweku Atta(h).

mm. Kyirem, No. 1, ekumfi edumafa, 11/21/1974,
A.A. Mills, photo 1975.

nn. Akomfu seikyi, No. 7, Anomabu, 1977, Kwamina
Amoaku, photo 1978.

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