Isobel Coleman and Mary Ellen Iskenderian

Putting Women at the Center of
Building Back Better in Haiti

The challenges of rebuilding Haiti are enormous: millions are without housing,
access to clean water, sanitation, transportation, or energy; the infrastructure is
nonexistent; tons of rubble still lie in the streets. The challenges are compounded
by the dire situation in Haiti before the earthquake, with more than half the pop-
ulation already living in destitution. Haiti, the poorest nation in the Western
Hemisphere, has a GDP per capita of about $1,300, less than half that of Nicaragua ($2,800), the second-poorest nation in the hemisphere.1 Illiteracy hovers around
50 por ciento,2 and infant mortality in 2009 was almost 60 deaths per 1,000 live
births—the worst statistics in the hemisphere.3 The lofty commitments made in
the aftermath of the devastating earthquake have in too many instances encoun-
tered the hard reality of implementation, and progress is painfully slow. Hoy,
more than eight months after the earthquake, a million Haitians are living in tent
cities, surrounded by mud and disease.

Still, there is hope that a better Haiti can be built back out of the rubble.
Achieving this will require not only immediate short-term fixes to get the country

Isobel Coleman is a Senior Fellow for U.S. foreign policy at the Council on Foreign
Relations and Director of the Council’s Women and Foreign Policy program as well as
its program in Civil Society, Markets, and Democracy. Her latest book, Paradise
Beneath Her Feet: How Women Are Transforming the Middle East, was published
by Random House in spring 2010. Prior to joining the Council on Foreign Relations,
Coleman was CEO of a health care services company and a partner in the financial
institutions practice of McKinsey & Co. in New York.

Mary Ellen Iskenderian is President and CEO of Women’s World Banking (WWB),
the world’s largest network of microfinance institutions and banks, which provides
technical services and strategic support to 40 top-performing microfinance institutions
and banks in 28 developing countries. Prior to joining WWB, she worked for 17 años
in senior management at the International Finance Corporation, the private sector
arm of the World Bank.

Coleman and Iskenderian were co-leaders of the “Empowering Girls and Women”
action area for the Clinton Global Initiative’s 2010 Annual Meeting.

The authors thank Alison Fornell for research assistance.

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Isobel Coleman and Mary Ellen Iskenderian

back on its feet, but also longer-term planning to improve prospects for the next
generación. Based on what we know about the critical role of women in develop-
mento, the highest returns on investment are likely to come from initiatives that
harness the productive capacity of women. There is much to learn from other
post-disaster and post-conflict situations, such as Aceh, Indonesia, after the 2004
tsunami; Liberia after years of civil war; and Rwanda after genocide. In all these
areas, investments in women have yielded large positive benefits in terms of com-
munity health, economic growth, and stability. The bottom line is that every strat-
egy for rebuilding Haiti today must include women as part of the solution.

HAITIAN WOMENOMICS

Women have long played a vital role in Haiti’s economy. Sixty-two percent of
Haitian women work—a higher percentage than in any other society in the world,
except Lesotho.4 And yet, women are concentrated in the informal sector of the
economía, which is unregulated, unsupervised, and unstable. En efecto, three-quar-
ters of those working in the informal sector—in makeshift markets, petty trade,
home-based businesses and restaurants—are women. Spreading out their wares
along the streets on plastic tarps and cardboard tables or selling their products
door to door, Haiti’s female entrepreneurs are a testament to creativity and
resilience. They are also a sign of the country’s economic desperation. The poorer
the household, the more dependent it is on the meager earnings of women in the
informal economy.

Rebuilding efforts must take into account the importance of Haiti’s informal
economy and recognize women’s central role in it. Aquí, some lessons from Liberia
could be instructive. One of Liberian president Ellen Johnson Sirleaf ’s first initia-
tives in the rebuilding of her country after years of devastating civil war was to
improve the women-led informal markets in Monrovia. The result was Liberia’s
Market Women’s Fund, which is backed by an international board of high-pow-
ered African and American women. The board has raised several million dollars to
improve market infrastructure, including provisions for water, toilets, electricidad,
and storage. The Market Women’s Fund also has supported adult education, finan-
cial literacy, and child care, efforts designed to empower market women and their
familias. These investments not only target vulnerable women, they also are help-
ing to make Liberia’s economy, especially its precarious food economy, more pro-
ductive and efficient.

In Haiti, an investment fund similarly targeted toward women in the informal
economy could yield long-term benefits. As in Liberia, it could channel resources
to meet the women’s priorities. It could also help organize the women in the infor-
mal economy into effective trade associations, which would help them articulate
their needs and opinions more effectively. Women in Haiti make up more than half
the electorate yet constitute only 5 percent of the seats in parliament. Harnessing
the power of the market women could give these entrepreneurs a greater say in

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Putting Women at the Center of Building Back Better in Haiti

local decision-making and bring their interests into consideration in the rebuild-
ing efforts, where Haitian civil society is currently sorely absent.

Women have long played a vital role
in Haiti’s economy. Sixty-two
percent of Haitian women work—a
higher percentage than in any other
society in the world, except Lesotho.
Y todavía, women are concentrated in
the informal sector of the economy,
which is unregulated, unsupervised,
and unstable. En efecto, three-quarters
of those working in the informal
sector—in makeshift markets, petty
comercio, home-based businesses and
restaurants—are women.

Microfinance has proved to be a powerful lever in alleviating poverty, incluso
under the toughest circumstances. The provision of small amounts of capital
through microcredit has supported small businesses in developing nations for
décadas, and women in particular have benefited from this access to finance.
Microfinance initiatives have enjoyed success and had a positive impact in post-
conflict areas such as
Afganistán
y
Rwanda, and in post-
situations,
disaster
such as in Asia after
the devastating tsuna-
mi. In post-tsunami
Indonesia and Sri
Lanka, many poor
women had
pequeño
businesses and there-
fore were more likely
to have lost their liveli-
hoods due
el
destruction of equip-
ment and being dis-
placed
su
de
homes. Además,
frequently
women
were not recognized as
the head of
su
household and were
unable to claim gov-
gobierno
asistencia.
Microfinance institu-
ciones (MFIs) in many tsunami-struck areas saw that their expertise in creating sus-
tainable microfinance solutions positioned them uniquely well to restore institu-
tional capacity and stimulate long-term economic recovery. Rather than joining in
direct relief work handled by the numerous nongovernmental organizations on
the ground, the MFIs focused on their core competencies to give tsunami sur-
vivors—particularly women—access to the financial resources required to rebuild
their businesses and reignite their local economy. An expansion of microfinance
services targeted toward women should also be part of the solution in Haiti.

En años recientes, the concept of microfinance has expanded beyond the provi-
sion of credit to include financial products and services, like savings and insurance,
which are proving to be just as important in cultivating economic independence
and security. Por ejemplo, microinsurance is emerging as a critical safety net to

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Isobel Coleman and Mary Ellen Iskenderian

lessen women’s vulnerability to risk. Women tend to dominate in the roles of care-
giver, homemaker, y, cada vez más, as household resource managers and income
earners. Inherent in these roles is the responsibility of coping with risks such as
health problems, a death in the family, or other emergencies. Unmanaged, any one
of these risks can deliver serious and often devastating financial shocks to poor
women and their households, potentially intensifying poverty, instability, and vul-
nerability. Poor women have traditionally managed such risks by selling assets,
relying on their husbands, pulling children out of school to earn money, or using
informal mechanisms such as self-help groups for support. Some risk-manage-
ment strategies, while perhaps effective in the short term, can lead to enduring
adverse secondary implications that perpetuate a cycle of poverty. Allocating busi-
ness profits to savings to deal with short-term emergencies rather than to longer-
term investments, Por ejemplo, is one of the largest barriers to growth in women’s
negocios. Another common coping mechanism for a woman is to sell productive
assets, such as livestock or equipment, thereby wiping out her ability to earn
income from those assets in the future. Similarmente, pulling children out of school
causes them a serious and immediate loss, and also severely curtails their long-
term earning potential. Microinsurance offers a promising alternative for poor
women to manage risk and use their assets more productively.

Microsavings are another vital tool for poverty reduction. Low-income house-
holds save 10 a 15 percent of their income on average globally, but there is grow-
ing recognition in the microfinance industry of the importance of formal, secure
places for the poor to put their money and begin accumulating assets. Women,
who are typically responsible for their families’ savings, benefit enormously from
having safe, confidential places to keep their money in their own name, as this
gives them control over their assets and more power in their household. Desde
perspective of MFIs, savings mobilization reduces dependence on external funding
and attracts new clients, thus tapping into the enormous demand for savings prod-
ucts that fill needs ranging from emergencies to old age to aspirational goals, semejante
as investing in business, education, housing, and special occasions.

Financial education is an indispensable component of changing behavior and
encouraging low-income people to save. Además, as awareness of the importance
of targeting girls to build money management skills takes root, savings accounts
geared toward girls should be developed. Banco ADOPEM, an MFI in the neigh-
boring Dominican Republic, has introduced a girls’ savings program that includes
financial literacy and is tailored to the particular needs of girls. Lessons learned
from this initiative could be useful in establishing similar ones in Haiti.

Mobilizing deposits for Haiti’s women entrepreneurs should be a priority. en un
post-crisis environment, a savings account could enable displaced women to
receive and manage the inflow of remittances more easily, and to leverage these
funds more effectively for new housing or rebuilding a business. Given Haiti’s poor
educational opportunities and the extent of women’s participation in Haiti’s infor-
mal markets, enhanced financial savvy would further empower women to build
greater economic independence.

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Putting Women at the Center of Building Back Better in Haiti

Fonkoze, Haiti’s largest microfinance organization, has leveraged its market
leadership to offer poor women across the country a broad range of financial serv-
ices designed to build solidarity and create economic independence. Fonkoze
began taking deposits in 1996, and has seen exponential growth in savings volume
desde entonces. At the end of 2009, Fonkoze had nearly 200,000 savings accounts repre-
senting a balance of more than $14 millón. En 2008, Fonkoze also began offering a funeral insurance product to its microfinance clients. The impact of microfinance Haiti’s dire post-earthquake conditions have exacerbated the need for a broad array of financial products and services, including risk-mitigating products such as savings accounts and insurance. Con ese fin, Fonkoze is currently awaiting its com- mercial bank license, which will facilitate further capacity-building to address the country’s vast needs (see case narrative in this issue of Innovations for an in-depth look at Fonkoze). The impact of microfinance for Haitian businesswomen could be further enhanced by expanding their property rights. for Haitian businesswomen could be further enhanced by expanding their property rights. Land ownership has been a sensitive subject in Haiti for more than two cen- turies, dating back to the slave revolt of 1804, when land was taken from French planters and distributed to the people, only to be reconsolidated under a handful of powerful Haitian families. Hoy, fewer than a dozen families control the vast majority of usable land in the country. Sin embargo, the poor are resilient and have scratched out a living by setting up stalls on street corners and building homes on scraps of state land. Few had clear title to their property before the earthquake, and the devastation of January 12 compounded an already grim situation by destroy- ing land records and displacing people from homes and properties they had inhab- ited for generations. Land fights are already slowing recovery. Squatters eking out an existence on land the government has declared “public” report being threatened by gangsters, presumably sent by elite landowners who have designs on the prop- erty. Land reform is a major economic, social, and political issue that must be addressed before Haiti can be rebuilt stronger and better. En 1998, Peruvian econ- omist Hernando de Soto estimated that Haiti’s poor—the 85 percent of the popu- lation living on less than $2 per day—had more than $5 billion in “dead capital,"
money tied up in homes and businesses for which they had no title and therefore
could not borrow against or sell.5 Unlocking that economic potential must be part
of Haiti’s solution. Property rights for women should receive special attention,
since they are the displaced of the displaced—in other words, the least likely to
have any form of documentation linking them to land they have inhabited and
worked for years, especially in Port-au-Prince, which suffered the brunt of the

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Isobel Coleman and Mary Ellen Iskenderian

earthquake. Informal settlements have a high percentage of female-headed house-
sostiene. El 2003 census stated that in urban areas, nearly half of all households
(46%) are headed by women.6 Establishing a fair system to secure women’s owner-
ship rights is a relatively low-cost way to stabilize these communities and enable
them to prosper.

In post-disaster situations, securing property rights is recognized as an impor-
tant aspect of economic reconstruction. In the aftermath of the Asian tsunami in
December 2004, President Clinton, serving as the United Nations Special Envoy for
Tsunami Recovery, declared that nothing “will generate more income over the long
run for average families in this region than actually having title to the land they
own. Entonces, they will be able to borrow money and build a much more diversified,
much more modern economy.”7 Several NGOs working in tsunami-affected areas
such as Aceh and Tamil Nadu became deeply involved in securing property rights
as a precursor to rebuilding homes and businesses. World Vision, Por ejemplo, pre-
pared a manual for its field personnel and other NGOs in Aceh that outlined a
process for land titling. Special attention was given to women’s property rights,
since women too often have only a tenuous hold on their homes and businesses.
For couples, properties were registered in both the wife’s and husband’s names,
often for the first time. Subsequent studies report that including the wife on the
title gave the woman greater stature in her family and community and provided
her with an asset that she could use to access credit.

In Tamil Nadu, the Indian government had launched an innovative program
prior to the tsunami to give joint title to men and women in some areas. After the
tsunami, the program was replicated and expanded through a government order
requiring permanent housing to be put in the names of both husband and wife,
and stipulating that houses in the names of women could not be transferred to
husbands. NGOs like World Vision helped implement the new legislation by
requiring that new homes they helped construct include a woman’s name along-
side her husband’s on the ownership documentation.8 Such cultural shifts are
resisted under normal circumstances, but the dislocations of the tsunami created
an opportunity to enact such a broad policy change.9 Evaluations of the commu-
nities in which World Vision worked found that within three years after the tsuna-
mi—due in large part to the push for joint land titles—women had a greater pres-
ence in their community and enjoyed increased leadership roles.10 The impact of
secure land rights for women in India contributed to the advancement of women’s
status in their community and increased their income and employment stability.
World Vision’s experience in India demonstrated the strong connection between
land rights and women’s economic empowerment and women’s ability to invest in
their children’s future.11

In post-genocide Rwanda, extending property rights to women has been eco-
nomically and culturally transformative for the country. International aid organi-
zaciones, ONG, and women’s activists found opportunity in the country’s self-
destruction to push for an expansion of female property and inheritance rights in
the rebuilding of the state. In the fall of 1994, the immediate need was to get

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Putting Women at the Center of Building Back Better in Haiti

women, who constituted more than 60 percent of survivors, to return to their
farms and plant the fields to provide some harvest in the spring. The women in the
refugee camps, despite the trauma of the genocide, understood this imperative, todavía
they hesitated. They questioned why they should return to their farms, invest their
sangre, sweat, and tears in rebuilding, only to have a long-lost male relative show
up sometime in the future to claim the land as his.

Rwandan women in 1994 had few rights to own and inherit property.
Expanding those rights was a low-cost but revolutionary measure that has helped
transform the role of women in Rwandan society. En 1996, the Ministry of Gender,
Family, and Social Affairs introduced a draft bill providing for daughters to inher-
it land from their parents and widows to inherit land from their deceased hus-
bands. The bill was signed into law in 2000. Hoy, Rwandan daughters inherit
from their parents a share equal to what their brothers receive. When women
marry, they can choose to pool their assets with their husband’s or keep them sep-
arate, but they have the right to inherit conjugal property. Rwandan women are
using their land to secure loans and build their businesses. Women business own-
ers are leveraging their property to thrive in industries as diverse as dairy produc-
ción, banana wine, trucking, and hospitality, supporting their extended families
and playing a crucial role in rebuilding the country.

Haiti should learn from these examples. Out of the wreckage of natural disas-
ters and war can come an opportunity to restructure society in better ways. Mundo
Bank research has demonstrated that women’s empowerment acts as a catalyst for
further transformation that makes countries more stable and prosperous. Since a
title to land is often a prerequisite for financing, the benefits of granting land
tenure to women multiply rapidly. Women find themselves with access to loans
and markets, not to mention a greater sense of their role in the community and
their stake in society. Establishing women’s right to own land helps to initiate these
virtuous cycles.

COMBATING VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

Another imperative in the rebuilding of Haiti is to combat violence against
women. Before the earthquake, attacks on women—including sexual and domes-
tic violence—were widespread, imposing enormous physical, social, and econom-
ic costs on society. Numerous studies indicate that a large percentage of Haitian
women have been victims of domestic abuse and rape. Por décadas, rape has been
used in Haiti as a political instrument: after President Jean-Bertrand Aristide was
ousted in a military coup in 1991, the new regime employed systematic rape of
women and girls as a tool of political oppression against supporters of Aristide and
their families. En años recientes, armed thugs across Port-au-Prince have been break-
ing into houses and raping female occupants as a means of exerting political pres-
sure. In the city’s lawless post-earthquake environment, shocking tales of rape and
abuse are on the rise.

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Lack of the rule of law is a big part of the problem, but Haiti’s culture of
entrenched patriarchy and discrimination against women is also a contributor. En
a 2009 UN study, 80 percent of men interviewed stated that violence against
women was justified if women failed to obey.12 Until 2005, rape was not even
specifically classified as a crime and was instead lumped together with “crimes
against morals”; courts meted out less punishment for the rape of a woman who
was not a virgin on the grounds that her honor was not at stake; and hard-to-
obtain medical certificates were required to prove rape. In the summer of 2005,
after substantial lobbying from
women’s groups, the Council of
legal
Ministers passed several
decrees significantly stiffening the
penalties for rape, and courts
began to hand down harsher sen-
tenencias. Women were encouraged
to report violence, a move away
from the cultural taboos that had
imposed silence on victims, y
more were speaking out. En 2006,
Haiti’s Ministry of Women’s
Affairs
five-year
launched a
national campaign to combat vio-
lence against women.

Women’s security should be
given high consideration
when determining how to
prioritize the distribution of
goods and services during
reconstruction. Not only
does it enhance law and
orden, it has clear economic
benefits too. Violence against
women imposes an
enormous toll on society.

Desafortunadamente, the chaotic
environment of Haiti today, con
millions of desperate people bare-
ly patrolled by an insufficient and
fitful police force, is the perfect
brew for a spike in violence
against women. Sprawling squatter camps, unlit and dark at night, leave women
exposed to abuse. Stories abound of women raped on their way to communal toi-
lets or attacked in their tents. Rebuilding efforts must address the security needs of
women by providing better lighting at night, more police and security forces, y
integrating women’s voices into security plans. A little effort can go a long way. Para
ejemplo, after the American Jewish World Service distributed street lamps to a
camp where women had complained of being attacked at night while going to the
latrines, local women immediately felt safer. Community leaders even banded
together to form safety patrols to escort women at night to public washing areas.13
Women’s security should be given high consideration when determining how
to prioritize the distribution of goods and services during reconstruction. Not only
does it enhance law and order, it has clear economic benefits too. Violence against
women imposes an enormous toll on society. Studies have shown that in high-vio-
lence societies like Colombia, health expenditures related to violence as a percent-
age of GDP are almost 5 percent.14 In Haiti, where women make up 85 por ciento de

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Putting Women at the Center of Building Back Better in Haiti

the victims of violence registered in hospitals and health centers,15 the health-care
costs and productivity loss due to violence is undoubtedly large.

Incorporating women into peacekeeping and security forces also holds prom-
ise for reducing the abuse of women by peacekeepers and police, a problem that
has plagued such efforts around the world. In the UN Stabilization Mission in
Haiti, which since 2004 has fielded UN soldiers on the ground for peacekeeping
purposes, fewer than 2 percent of UN troops are women. Among the 18 countries
where UN troops are deployed, Haiti has one of the lowest percentages of female
“blue helmets.” Women also comprise less than 5 percent of the UN’s police force
in Haiti, although the UN is beginning to redress this imbalance. Recientemente, a 160-
member Bangladeshi female police unit arrived in Port-au-Prince, tasked with
crowd control and managing disturbances inside the city’s many camps for dis-
placed people—the same activities conducted by their male colleagues.

The argument for female peacekeepers is that they bring a civilizing or
grounding effect to disaster situations, which traditionally present all-male armies
an opportunity to shirk acceptable behaviors. Some even claim that women bring
distinctly female instincts of protection, caring, and sensitivity to what is otherwise
a harsh disaster zone. The presence of women in peacekeeping efforts has had a
significant impact on improving behaviors in conflict areas. En 2004, the UN open-
ly criticized peacekeepers in Liberia, Haiti, and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo for exchanging food and money for sex with young women. En 2009, fol-
lowing the influx of female peacekeepers in Liberia, solo 18 peacekeepers were
accused of sexual abuse.16 For Haiti, where sexual abuse against women is rampant,
having female peacekeepers field the numerous domestic abuse calls and reports of
sexual violence could provide a level of security and calm to the most vulnerable
in society.

Getting women’s voices represented more at the policy table should also be a
priority. Women comprise less than 13 percent of Haiti’s senate and 4 por ciento de
the lower chamber. Without concerted efforts, these low numbers are unlikely to
change anytime soon, especially since some of the most passionate and ardent
women activists who had devoted their careers to fighting for women’s rights in
Haiti died in the earthquake. The women’s movement in Haiti has lost some cru-
cial leadership. International efforts to harness and promote local women’s voices
are therefore all the more important.

IMPROVING WOMEN’S HEALTH

Women’s status in Haiti will fail to improve if women’s health needs are not
addressed. Haiti has the worst maternal health statistics of any country in the
Western Hemisphere and among the worst in the world. The fact that so many
Haitian women die in childbirth is a marker of the country’s nonexistent health-
care system and, in many cases, a total lack of prenatal and natal care. Before the
earthquake, only a quarter of births were attended by trained personnel, comparado
a 98 percent of births across the border in the Dominican Republic. With some

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Isobel Coleman and Mary Ellen Iskenderian

60,000 pregnant women in Port-au-Prince in the months after the earthquake and
few birthing facilities, that number has likely deteriorated. High maternal mortal-
ity in Haiti is also related to unsafe clandestine abortions. (Abortion is illegal in
Haiti and anyone convicted of performing the procedure can be sentenced to up
to nine years in prison.)

There are several local organizations in Haiti that have been leaders in improv-
ing women’s health, including working to repair and maintain the few maternity
hospitals in the Port-au-Prince area. But the lack of facilities and trained health
workers requires a range of cost-effective solutions, including the mobilization of
midwives to address the country’s maternal mortality crisis. Experience from
Afghanistan has shown that investing in midwifery can significantly reduce mater-
nal mortality, even under the harshest circumstances. Between 2002 y 2008, el
number of trained midwives in Afghanistan expanded fourfold, from fewer than
500 to more than 2,000. The number of deliveries attended by skilled personnel
rose from 6 percent to more than 20 por ciento. As a result, maternal mortality in
Afghanistan has fallen significantly, albeit from terribly high levels. Similar
progress can be achieved in Haiti with similar investments in community-based
midwifery programs.

Lack of access to contraception and family planning also remains an issue for
Haitian women. Alguno 40 percent of women of childbearing age have unmet con-
traception needs. Not surprisingly, women have high fertility—4.7 children per
woman on average. They also have the highest rate of HIV infection in Latin
America, and the rate for women is higher than that for men. Family planning is
an integral element of women’s health care and HIV prevention, and several NGOs
have successful programs dedicated to family planning in Haiti. Por ejemplo, in its
clinics throughout the countryside, Partners in Health has a full-time nurse on
staff trained in reproductive health counseling, a professional midwife, y
OB/GYNs. Partners in Health sends women’s health agents throughout the coun-
try to educate people about STDs and HIV, while referring pregnant women to the
clinics. This model has been so successful that Partners in Health has replicated it
in Lesotho and Rwanda.17 Reconstruction efforts need to build on these programs
to expand family planning and maternal health care to women across Haiti.

Investing in women in Haiti will yield long-term gains that will benefit all
Haitians. In other post-disaster and post-conflict situations, we have seen real
gains from women-centered programs and policies that have stimulated the econ-
omy, helped strengthen families, and contributed to the security and stability of
el pais. From Rwanda to post-tsunami Asia to Liberia, women have been an
important part of the solution and central to reconstruction efforts. To build back
better in Haiti, now is the time to pay particular attention to opportunities to
unleash the productive capacity of women in society.

1. Central Intelligence Agency, CIA: The World Factbook. Available at www.cia.gov/library/publica-

tions/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2004rank.html.

2. Alexis Gardella, “Gender Assessment for USAID/Haiti Country Strategy Statement,” report pre-

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Putting Women at the Center of Building Back Better in Haiti

pared
http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PDACH597.pdf, 10.

USAID,

2006.

Junio

para

Accedido

Julio

29,

2010,

3. CIA, “Welcome to the CIA Web Site—Central Intelligence Agency,” in CIA: The World Factbook.
www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-

Accedido
Julio
factbook/rankorder/2091rank.html.
4. Gardella, “Gender Assessment," 11.
5. Hernando De Soto, “The Five Mysteries of Capital,” New York Times, 2000. Accessed July 29, 2010,

2010,

29,

at www.nytimes.com/books/first/d/desoto-capital.html.

6. Joseph Evens, “Grandes Leçons Socio-Demographiques Tirees Du 4e Rgph,” report prepared for

IHSI/RGPH, Febrero 2009.

7. “Recovery of Property Rights and Reconstruction of Land Administration System,” report pre-
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